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Determining latitude and longitude.

The century after the discovery of America opened up the world more widely than many millennia before. In comparison, the Middle Ages had not been able to extend the knowledge of the land beyond the perspective of the Old Age, in some areas it had even declined, from the point of view of the Western countries. The steppes of Central Asia and China had come into view. The west coast of Africa had been explored, but instead, due to the victory of Mohammedanism, Eastern Asia and the countries of the Indian Ocean had become almost completely separated from the connection with the western countries.

On every side that narrow wall of ignorance was now torn down, and the two peoples, who until then had been the most entrenched members of the European family, in a short time sailed all the seas, explored all the shores, so that the relations of land and water on our globe at the end of the period discussed above were known in outline, and Europe was gained a general understanding of the conditions and possibilities of our earth.

The most daring and career-opening of these voyages of discovery was Columbus’ journey across the unknown western sea. He thought he had come to India, and in search of the Grand Khan’s lands, Cipangu, the Golden Khersonesso, and the road to the Ganges Delta. he discovered the principal islands of the West Indies, the north-east coast of South America, and the east coast of Central America; but he did not find the strait which he earnestly sought, though he was assured of its existence, and died in the firm belief that he had come to India.

In the conviction that the new lands discovered were really on the eastern coast of Asia and close to its riches. The Spanish government rushed to establish colonies in them, in order to have secure base positions for their operations. There was no lack of those who went overseas, even though overseas countries produced disappointments and the treacherous nature of the tropics doomed countless to an early grave. Haiti initially became the capital of the Spanish, but Cuba soon took the victory from it. And all the islands of the West Indies were left in the shade when the more developed countries of the mainland, richer in metals and much more suitable for white people to settle, were discovered and conquered.

On the new continent, they first tried to establish colonies on the coast of Venezuela, where Ojeda in particular wasted money and people, then with better success on the Isthmus of Panama, although the loss of life there was immense. Balboa crossed the isthmus and discovered the Pacific Ocean, and this gave both the settlement of the isthmus and new voyages of discovery an excellent stimulus. During Pedrarias Davila’s time, Central America was conquered all the way to Nicaragua, but no further was reached. Others had set out from the opposite side to usurp the lands north of Nicaragua. Fernando Cortes, one of the most brilliant heroes of the Age of Discovery, had conquered the great empire of the Aztecs by a campaign of incomparable courage and intelligence, and made their capital, Mexico, the capital of New Spain. In the healthy climate of the highlands of Anahuac, the Spanish immigrants did well and the Spanish element quickly strengthened in Mexico. Cortes conquered Guatemala from there and he himself made a brave trip across the base of the Yucatan to Honduras. Cortes promoted the exploration of the coast of Mexico to the north, and during his followers, the interior was spied on as far as the Grand Canyon of Colorado and Arkansas. During the trip to Coronado, the Spaniards got to know the prairies and their immense herds of buffalo for the first time. On the other hand, from Florida, discovered by Ponce de Leon, the shores of the Gulf of Mexico were explored, the mouth of the Mississippi was discovered, and Hernando de Soto made a great inland expedition from Florida, passing across the Mississippi in the regions of Arkansas,

Francisco Pizarro and Diego Almagro sailed south from Panama and discovered and conquered the gold of Peru, which became the capital of the Spanish in the New World due to the healthy climate and metal wealth of the highlands. The immense treasures of Peru gave an unusually strong impetus to the exploration of the interior of South America, where it was thought that an even richer country awaited the one who would arrive first. Almagro made a trip to Chile. Benalcazar conquered Quito and the country there up to the highlands of Bogota. Gonzalo Pizarro penetrated from Quito across the Andes to the Amazon River, which Orellana then sailed down to the sea. Welser’s agents in Venezuela criss-crossed that country and Gasparo de Quesada ascended the Magdalena River to the highlands of Bogotá. The river La Plata first became known through the voyage to de Sol, and when Peru was conquered, so they traveled across the country from the La Plata river to the land of gold in the highlands of the Andes, so today’s Argentina also became known in general terms. The coast of Brazil was discovered by Vicente Pinzo, but Cabral, on his way to the East Indies, claimed it for Portugal. However, at first not much was known about Brazil other than the beaches, with the exception of the Amazon River, but the entire long coast was gradually settled. Guiana had already been partly settled by the Spanish and I guess crossed paths when the Englishman Walter Raleigh arrived there in search of Dorado. When the coast of Patagonia up to the Strait of Magalhães and likewise the coast of Chile northward from the strait became known in the course of the 16th century, the whole of this huge continent had been largely explored in a comparatively short time. so today’s Argentina also became broadly known. The coast of Brazil was discovered by Vicente Pinzo, but Cabral, on his way to the East Indies, claimed it for Portugal. However, at first not much was known about Brazil other than the beaches, with the exception of the Amazon River, but the entire long coast was gradually settled. Guiana had already been partly settled by the Spanish and I guess crossed paths when the Englishman Walter Raleigh arrived there in search of Dorado. When the coast of Patagonia up to the Strait of Magalhães and likewise the coast of Chile northward from the strait became known in the course of the 16th century, the whole of this huge continent had been largely explored in a comparatively short time. so today’s Argentina also became broadly known. The coast of Brazil was discovered by Vicente Pinzo, but Cabral, on his way to the East Indies, claimed it for Portugal. However, at first not much was known about Brazil other than the beaches, with the exception of the Amazon River, but the entire long coast was gradually settled. Guiana had already been partly settled by the Spanish and I guess crossed paths when the Englishman Walter Raleigh arrived there in search of Dorado. When the coast of Patagonia up to the Strait of Magalhães and likewise the coast of Chile northward from the strait became known in the course of the 16th century, the whole of this huge continent had been largely explored in a comparatively short time. However, at first not much was known about Brazil other than the beaches, with the exception of the Amazon River, but the entire long coast was gradually settled. Guiana had already been partly settled by the Spanish and I guess crossed paths when the Englishman Walter Raleigh arrived there in search of Dorado. When the coast of Patagonia up to the Strait of Magalhães and likewise the coast of Chile northward from the strait became known in the course of the 16th century, the whole of this huge continent had been largely explored in a comparatively short time. However, at first not much was known about Brazil other than the beaches, with the exception of the Amazon River, but the entire long coast was gradually settled. Guiana had already been partly settled by the Spanish and I guess crossed paths when the Englishman Walter Raleigh arrived there in search of Dorado. When the coast of Patagonia up to the Strait of Magalhães and likewise the coast of Chile northward from the strait became known in the course of the 16th century, the whole of this huge continent had been largely explored in a comparatively short time.

Where the Spanish left the exploration of the coast of North America, it was continued by several other nationalities. John Cabot from England discovered the coast of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia and thought he too had come to China. No certain information has been preserved about how his second trip went. The Portuguese Cortereal brothers brought information about the excellent fishing of the shallows of Newfoundland; first the Portuguese and a little later all the peoples of Western Europe started to make fishing trips there every year. In the course of time, these shallows have given the hunters much more wealth than the best mines in Mexico and Peru. – Gomes and Verrazzano first sailed for the current US east coast, the former for Spain, the latter for France. Frenchman Jacques Cartier explored the shores of Laurentian Bay and was the first to ascend the Laurentian River. All these sailors were looking for a passage to the Pacific Ocean, but in vain. Of the English sailors who had the same goal, Hudson explored the river that took his name in the service of Holland, and Hudson’s Strait and bay in the service of his native England, in which he sailed. thinking he had already completed the task. met a sad end. Before him, Frobisher had discovered Meta incognita (Baffin’s Land). After Hudson, Davis, Baffin and several other sailors explored the northwest corner of North America so carefully that at the beginning of the 17th century it was already possible to conclude with a fair amount of certainty that there was no northwest passage suitable as a trade route. The interior of North America remained secret during this era, except for the southernmost parts. The Spanish and Francis Drake followed the west coast northward all the way to the borders of present-day British Columbia.

At the end of the Middle Ages, at the initiative of Prince Henrik the Navigator, the Portuguese had explored the entire west coast of Africa, and when Diaz had discovered the Cape of Good Hope, the sea route to India was open at the same time. But it wasn’t until after Columbus’s journey that they started using this road. Vasco da Gama sailed to the Malabar coast and through his gallant expedition laid the foundations for Portuguese power in India. On the way, he visited the ports of the east coast of Africa, where he met a very powerful Arab trading power. His followers forced one port after another to recognize Portuguese suzerainty. The entire eastern coast of Africa thus came under Portuguese influence, but they did not try to penetrate far into the interior except from Sotala, where gold arrived on the seashore from there, and from the coast of old Punt. From Morocco all the way to the mouth of the Red Sea, the Portuguese ruled the shores of the black continent. They finally found the priest-king they had been looking for for a long time in the mountainous country of Abyssinia, and with his help they could exchange sword blows with the hated Moors.

As a result of the actions of Almeida and Albuquerque, the Portuguese gained hegemony in the entire Indian Ocean, with all its shores and most of its islands. Starting from Madagascar, became known and mapped to their subtrees at the same time. They invaded the Malay Archipelago from East India. capturing Malacca as the center of his operations. This is how even the more distant India, with its huge islands, became well known to Europeans, and finally the long-sought Moluccas, the main places of expensive spices; but the Portuguese did not extend their activities farther east. Although they sailed along the coast of China and also visited Japan, they soon found themselves far too weak to try to discourage these developed, populous countries by force of arms. On the contrary, they had to content themselves with the fact that they were also prohibited from trading in Chinese ports, when they had tried to appear there with their usual arrogance. And the people of Cipangu kept their gold plates that Marco Polo had brought rumors about. In East India, the Portuguese’s knowledge of the land and power were limited to the coast. They could not go further than the range of the ship’s cannons, the domination of the sea and trade was completely sufficient for their purposes, However, the treasure world that belonged to the ancient times of India had now become very familiar to the peoples of the West.

The Spaniards, gradually finding out that the shores they found were not India at all, but an unknown continent in between, continued to search for a western sea route to the East Indies. After an ill-fated attempt at Sol, Magalhães obtained ships from the Spanish government to sail to the Moluccas, and finally found the strait named after him and sailed to the Pacific. When he left the strait, he thought he was already close to the rich shores of East Asia, but the water into which his fleet set out was actually an infinitely vast unknown ocean. Magalhães sailed across it, seeing almost nothing of its island world, however, until nearing the Philippines. Only one of Magalhães’ ships, the leader himself having fallen in a fight, made the trip around the country. »Victorian»’s triumphant expedition is the greatest landmark case in geography. Through this trip, Spain gained a foothold in East Asia, and regular ship traffic began there from Central America, when, after many futile attempts, they had learned to sail back across the Pacific Ocean, using the westerly winds blowing in its northern parts. During these expeditions, one after another was discovered in the archipelagos of the Pacific Ocean, even though the Spanish did not inform their contemporaries about all their discoveries. Due to the inadequacy of the location designations at the time, it is no longer possible to determine exactly which archipelagos they discovered were, and therefore a lot of work remained in the Pacific for the next era. The Spanish sailors searched for the great Southland from it, but the more they searched, the farther it receded. Only Torres must have seen,

The English and the Dutch were looking for a sailing route to East Asia through the north, when the southern routes were closed to them. However, brave privateers such as Drake and Cavendish, who completed the second and third voyages around the country, despite the prohibitions, traveled the seas owned by Spain and Portugal and brought back rich booty from them, but they were closed to trade. As we have already mentioned, many voyages were made from England to the north-west passage to the north of America; The Northeast Passage was first explored by the English and even more diligently by the Dutch. But the Arctic Sea behind Novaya Semlja was an insurmountable obstacle. Willem Barents fought the most bravely on this route, who with his men spent the first winter in the polar countries and died on the shore of Novaya Semlja on the way back. The peaks were found, the game richness of their waters was discovered, and the first reliable ideas about the nature of the polar countries were obtained. The English on their first expeditions got to the sea of ​​Viena and the mouth of the river Viena and found there. Much closer to East Asia, unexpectedly profitable trade sectors.

The age of great voyages of discovery was the heroic age of sailors. Despite the fact that the ships were still few and their equipment and sailing condition were modest compared to modern times, in a couple of years all the seas were conquered, almost all the shores were explored. In previous times, expeditions of discovery had taken place mainly with corn. In this era, the knowledge of the inland countries did not progress, so to speak, except in both Americas, and neither did mapping in them. although trips were made criss-cross. But the beaches were mapped very carefully, because the map was recognized as an indispensable aid for sailors.

The discovery of the Indian sea routes and the New World had such a profound and decisive impact on world history that they are rightly considered the beginning of the New Age. Only through them did European history become world history. From their own narrow framework, the interests and hobbies of our continent suddenly expanded to encompass the entire country, and over time the importance of these expanded relations grew, they resolved wars and peaces in Europe itself. In other continents, Asia, Africa and both Americas, which until then had lived their own lives outside the history of Europe, the great voyages of discovery affected even more fundamental changes. They have come under the rule of the more advanced races and the more advanced culture of Europe to such an extent that they have mostly lost their independent life. Entire civilizations have collapsed, entire races have been destroyed or sunk into the status of an inferior race. From the point of view of natural history, the expeditions were one of those geological upheavals through which older races give way and disappear in front of new, more advanced ones. Since then, this development has continued until our times. In one continent the racial change has already completely taken place, in a couple of others it has advanced far; only in Asia, the richest side of which has turned away from Europe, have the native races held their ground, even to such an extent that a destructive counter-wave from thence has been feared in Europe. through which older races give way and disappear in front of new, more advanced ones. Since then, this development has continued until our times. In one continent the racial change has already completely taken place, in a couple of others it has advanced far; only in Asia, the richest side of which has turned away from Europe, have the native races held their ground, even to such an extent that a destructive counter-wave from thence has been feared in Europe. through which older races give way and disappear in front of new, more advanced ones. Since then, this development has continued until our times. In one continent the racial change has already completely taken place, in a couple of others it has advanced far; only in Asia, the richest side of which has turned away from Europe, have the native races held their ground, even to such an extent that a destructive counter-wave from thence has been feared in Europe.

The discovery of the Indian sea routes caused a revolution in world trade right from the start. Three great ancient caravan routes lost their former importance: the Aro route through East Turkestan and the Lop Nor depression to China, the revenue of which was undoubtedly a great cause of the old wealth and power of the Aro people; the road from the southern shore of the Black Sea through Tabr to Ormus and further by sea to India, the same road that the Polos traveled; desert road along the west coast of Arabia to Aden and from there on to India by ship. The first route was the main artery of Chinese trade, the latter two routes had been used to bring Indian products to Europe since ancient times. The transfer of trade to the sea, of course, deprived the countries through which these roads passed of a great source of revenue, and at the same time diminished their importance. The loss of the Indian trade reduced the income of the Mohammedan kingdoms of East Asia and Egypt, but it also most noticeably damaged the flourishing and lively trade of the Italian cities, when only the countries of the Near East remained. When the trade hegemony of the Italian cities, especially Venice and Genoa, fell, the cities of southern Germany lost their trading position, became impoverished and decayed. On the sea side of Europe, on the other hand, a new era of activity and prosperity began. Portugal and Spain benefited first, then the Netherlands, England and France. The Mediterranean had lost its ancient meaning and World Trade had conquered all the seas. The Mediterranean countries had ceased to be the center of Western culture and the focus of progress shifted to Europe’s ocean front. but it also most noticeably damaged the flourishing and lively trade of the Italian cities, when only the countries of the Near East remained for them. When the trade hegemony of the Italian cities, especially Venice and Genoa, fell, the cities of southern Germany lost their trading position, became impoverished and decayed. On the sea side of Europe, on the other hand, a new era of activity and prosperity began. Portugal and Spain benefited first, then the Netherlands, England and France. The Mediterranean had lost its ancient meaning and World Trade had conquered all the seas. The Mediterranean countries had ceased to be the center of Western culture and the focus of progress shifted to Europe’s ocean front. but it also most noticeably damaged the flourishing and lively trade of the Italian cities, when only the countries of the Near East remained for them. When the trade hegemony of the Italian cities, especially Venice and Genoa, fell, the cities of southern Germany lost their trading position, became impoverished and decayed. On the sea side of Europe, on the other hand, a new era of activity and prosperity began. Portugal and Spain benefited first, then the Netherlands, England and France. The Mediterranean had lost its ancient meaning and World Trade had conquered all the seas. The Mediterranean countries had ceased to be the center of Western culture and the focus of progress shifted to Europe’s ocean front. especially the trade hegemony of Venice and Genoa fell, so the cities of southern Germany lost their trade intermediary position, became impoverished and decayed. On the sea side of Europe, on the other hand, a new era of activity and prosperity began. Portugal and Spain benefited first, then the Netherlands, England and France. The Mediterranean had lost its ancient meaning and World Trade had conquered all the seas. The Mediterranean countries had ceased to be the center of Western culture and the focus of progress shifted to Europe’s ocean front. especially the trade hegemony of Venice and Genoa fell, so the cities of southern Germany lost their trade intermediary position, became impoverished and decayed. On the sea side of Europe, on the other hand, a new era of activity and prosperity began. Portugal and Spain benefited first, then the Netherlands, England and France. The Mediterranean had lost its ancient meaning and World Trade had conquered all the seas. The Mediterranean countries had ceased to be the center of Western culture and the focus of progress shifted to Europe’s ocean front. The Mediterranean had lost its ancient meaning and World Trade had conquered all the seas. The Mediterranean countries had ceased to be the center of Western culture and the focus of progress shifted to Europe’s ocean front. The Mediterranean had lost its ancient meaning and World Trade had conquered all the seas. The Mediterranean countries had ceased to be the center of Western culture and the focus of progress shifted to Europe’s ocean front.

Both the revolutionizing and foundational significance of the great expeditions became evident very quickly, but they not only quickly brought about great changes, their impact was also the most extensive, a development spanning centuries. But for a long time the two countries that got to harvest the first rich fruits had the least reason to rejoice at the opening of the world. Before them, no nation had in a short time received such a large increase in wealth as Spain and Portugal do now, but despite this, in the seventeenth century there was no country in Europe as dilapidated and impoverished as the two neighbors of the Iberian peninsula. The control of the East Indies, the usurpation and settlement of the West Indies and South America had taken forces from both countries to that extent, that they haven’t been able to recover from the blow that well. In Portugal the whole race was corrupted, Spain weakened like a young corpse that withers from excessive bleeding in the middle of its development.

GEOGRAPHY IN THE ERA OF THE GREAT EXPEDITIONS.
Cosmography.

All the great events that at the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries set the world on a new foundation for both intellectual life and practical activity, although they were to some extent interdependent and influenced each other, but at the same time each of them separately was the result of the general course of life of the time. The discovery of America and sailing around the earth set a new foundation for the theory of the shape of the earth, but on the other hand, the theory of world construction had independently reached results that completely overturned Ptolemy’s world order and opened new avenues for research. Along with the general enlightenment hobby of the time, astronomy had also taken the biggest steps forward, and finally Nicolaus Copernicus at the beginning of the sixteenth century laid the foundation for the current world-building system by teaching, that the sun was the center of our orbital system and that the planets and its moons orbited around it. Although this doctrine was not generally accepted at the beginning, the word of truth had been spoken and it gradually won. Tycho Brahe, the most advanced observer of his time, could not accept Copernicus’s teaching, because in his opinion it would have forced him to assume the distance of the fixed stars to be so immeasurably large (when measurable changes should have been noticed in their positions if the earth moved in such wide circles in space as Copcrnicus had assumed). But precisely on the basis of Tyko Brahe’s observations, Kepler at the beginning of the next century (v. 1609) was able to show that Copernicus was right, and to a large extent further develop his theory. Copernicus concluded that the planets move in circular orbits around the sun,

Ephemeris.

This enormous progress in astronomy had an extremely large impact on geography, because it was only through it that precise astronomical location determination became possible. Tables, so-called “ephemerides”, had long been calculated for that purpose, but it is natural that it was not possible to accurately determine the positions of celestial bodies at specified moments in advance through calculations, unless their movements were known. Regiomontanus, a famous astronomer from Nuremberg, prepared tables like those used by Columbus, among others; but they were not yet suitable for precise locational determinations. Through the work of Copernicus and Tycho Brahe, astronomical time determinations became much sharper, but only when Kepler had shown the orbits of the planets to be ellipses, it was possible to calculate in advance,

Determining latitude and longitude.

In the Mediterranean and on the shores of Europe, one could sail under the guidance of an old compass map, but when one had to sail across large oceans, be weeks and months without seeing land, carried by the winds and driven by sea currents, the compass and the log were no longer enough. Astronomical positioning became essential for sailors, and great efforts were made to improve it. Progress was slow, and many centuries of invention and improvement were made before its accuracy was satisfactory. In England, even in the 18th and 19th centuries, inventors were encouraged with large prizes. The astrolabe (vert. I, p. 298) and its quarter (quadrant) were especially improved by Tycho Brahe, increasing its size so that he could measure very small angles. He prepared a table to correct the measurement errors caused by light refraction, although the table was still incomplete, because he did not think that rays coming from 45° higher would be refracted. With these machines, Tyko Brahe could make measurements with an accuracy of one degree minute in steps (1 degree minute at the equator 1860 meters). If it had been possible to measure with the same precision at sea, determining the geographic latitude would have been quite satisfactory, but of course that was not possible. The sailors, of course, carried enormously large quadrants, but they were too impractical and unreliable in a rocking ship, and therefore the cross staff was generally used (I, p. 299), although its indications were very imprecise. Even though binoculars were invented around this time, it was still a long time before before it had to be adapted to angle measuring machines and a convenient, accurate sextant became possible. Up until the middle of the eighteenth century, the crossbar was used exclusively for determining the pole height at sea. But when the cross rod was improved in such a way that a mirror was attached to its end and the height of the sun was determined through reflection, it became quite a bit more accurate than before and the determinations of latitude more reliable. In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish sailors were still wrong by a few degrees when measuring the polar height on board, but British sailors at the end of the century rarely made a mistake even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin. an accurate sextant became possible. Up until the middle of the eighteenth century, the crossbar was used exclusively for determining the pole height at sea. But when the cross rod was improved in such a way that a mirror was attached to its end and the height of the sun was determined through reflection, it became quite a bit more accurate than before and the determinations of latitude more reliable. In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish sailors were still wrong by a few degrees when measuring the polar height on board, but British sailors at the end of the century rarely made a mistake even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin. an accurate sextant became possible. Up until the middle of the eighteenth century, the crossbar was used exclusively for determining the pole height at sea. But when the cross rod was improved in such a way that a mirror was attached to its end and the height of the sun was determined through reflection, it became quite a bit more accurate than before and the determinations of latitude more reliable. In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish sailors were still wrong by a few degrees when measuring the polar height on board, but British sailors at the end of the century rarely made a mistake even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin. Up until the middle of the eighteenth century, the crossbar was used exclusively for determining the pole height at sea. But when the cross rod was improved in such a way that a mirror was attached to its end and the height of the sun was determined through reflection, it became quite a bit more accurate than before and the determinations of latitude more reliable. In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish sailors were still wrong by a few degrees when measuring the polar height on board, but British sailors at the end of the century rarely made a mistake even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin. Up until the middle of the eighteenth century, the crossbar was used exclusively for determining the pole height at sea. But when the cross rod was improved in such a way that a mirror was attached to its end and the height of the sun was determined through reflection, it became quite a bit more accurate than before and the determinations of latitude more reliable. In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish sailors were still wrong by a few degrees when measuring the polar height on board, but British sailors at the end of the century rarely made a mistake even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin. that a mirror was attached to its head and the height of the sun was determined through reflection, so it became quite a bit more accurate than before and the determinations of latitude more reliable. In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish sailors were still wrong by a few degrees when measuring the polar height on board, but British sailors at the end of the century rarely made a mistake even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin. that a mirror was attached to its head and the height of the sun was determined through reflection, so it became quite a bit more accurate than before and the determinations of latitude more reliable. In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish sailors were still wrong by a few degrees when measuring the polar height on board, but British sailors at the end of the century rarely made a mistake even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin. but British sailors at the end of the century rarely erred even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin. but British sailors at the end of the century rarely erred even by a degree. Willem Barents’ mistakes were not more than 15-20 minutes, Hudson’s 7-8 minutes. 2-3 minutes from Baffin.

Much more difficult than the polar height was determining the geographic length, longitude. It is true that the log began to be commonly used in the 16th century, but due to sea currents, its indications on long distances were very inaccurate. The Junta of Badajoz, which in 1524 had to accurately determine the position of the papal dividing line, was unable to do so due to the inaccuracy of all the available methods (vert. Il, p. 211). But even in this, a lot of progress was made during the century. Davis was still mistaken about the east-west distance between England and Greenland by 10°. but already Baffin was able to express the longitude so accurately that there was only 1 or 2° of error.

[Greek geographers began to name the east-west distance as “longitude” and the north-south distance as “width” for the reason that, after realizing the spherical shape of the earth, they initially thought only the zone between the polar circle and the turning circle was habitable and the “ecumen” was therefore longer east-west -direction rather than north-south direction. According to the Homeric worldview, the world island was flat and circular, according to the basic concepts of geography, a rectangle or spherical trapezoid. The part of the earth’s surface that was known in the olden days was actually much longer from west to east than from north to south.]

The difference in longitude between two places is the same as the time difference between their meridians, one hour equaling 15 minutes of arc (24 hours = 360°). So if a sailor has a watch that works reliably, all he needs to do on the journey is compare the rising of the stars to the meridian circle and the time pointer on his watch to know how many degrees he is east or towards Jänte from the place where the time is shown by the watch. This was thought of already in the Old Age, but when there were no portable timekeepers then, Hipparchus suggested (I, p. 115). that the time differences, and therefore also the longitude differences, would be determined according to the eclipses visible in the sky, which are visible at the same moment wherever they are usually visible. During the great voyages of discovery, the clock had already been invented, but portable clocks were not yet nearly so reliable as to be suitable for this purpose. Back in 1650, the best clocks were wrong by 4 minutes a day. Gemma Frisius proposed in 1530 that the geographical longitude should be determined by the clock, but the proposal was still impossible to implement in practice for centuries. The local time was determined by the sundial and at night by the altitude of the stars. Up until the Middle Ages, ships had an hourglass as a measure of time; As far as is known, the pocket watch was used for the first time during the Barents voyage in 1596. but the proposal was still impossible to implement in practice for centuries. The local time was determined by the sundial and at night by the altitude of the stars. Up until the Middle Ages, ships had an hourglass as a measure of time; As far as is known, the pocket watch was used for the first time during the Barents voyage in 1596. but the proposal was still impossible to implement in practice for centuries. The local time was determined by the sundial and at night by the altitude of the stars. Up until the Middle Ages, ships had an hourglass as a measure of time; As far as is known, the pocket watch was used for the first time during the Barents voyage in 1596.

Kepler tried, carrying out a proposal made in ancient times, to determine the longitude difference of two places from a solar eclipse, but due to the slow movement of the moon’s shadow on the surface of the earth, the result was very imprecise; besides, the calculations were so complicated that ordinary geographers were unable to use this method in the first place. It was more convenient to use a lunar eclipse, because it is visible to all viewers on the ground at the same time. But when the penumbra, influenced by the atmosphere, passes before and behind the earth’s shadow on the surface of the moon, it is very difficult to accurately observe the beginning and end of the eclipse, and this timing was therefore very shaky. Until the second half of the 17th century, lunar eclipses were the best way to find out the east-west distances. Even the tables of the astronomers were not accurate, for as long as the real movements of the heavenly bodies were not exactly known, all preliminary calculations of their positions were inaccurate. Cohumbus had. as mentioned above, I belong to the »ephemeris tables» of the German astronomer Regiomontanus (II. p. 70) and Amerigo Vespucci used the same ones. Columbus. when trying to use them to determine the longitude of two West Indian places from lunar eclipses, the second time he was mistaken by more than 20°. on the other, almost 40°. How could one have demanded accuracy from a mariner, when even Regiomontanus’ own students were wrong in their longitude determinations by five Kuusi degrees, even in the big cities of Europe, where they had all the best aids of the time at their disposal, especially the more precise local time determinations. all preliminary calculations about their positions were inaccurate. Cohumbus had. as mentioned above, I belong to the »ephemeris tables» of the German astronomer Regiomontanus (II. p. 70) and Amerigo Vespucci used the same ones. Columbus. when trying to use them to determine the longitude of two West Indian places from lunar eclipses, the second time he was mistaken by more than 20°. on the other, almost 40°. How could one have demanded accuracy from a mariner, when even Regiomontanus’ own students were wrong in their longitude determinations by five Kuusi degrees, even in the big cities of Europe, where they had all the best aids of the time at their disposal, especially the more precise local time determinations. all preliminary calculations about their positions were inaccurate. Cohumbus had. as mentioned above, I belong to the »ephemeris tables» of the German astronomer Regiomontanus (II. p. 70) and Amerigo Vespucci used the same ones. Columbus. when trying to use them to determine the longitude of two West Indian places from lunar eclipses, the second time he was mistaken by more than 20°. on the other, almost 40°. How could one have demanded accuracy from a mariner, when even Regiomontanus’ own students were wrong in their longitude determinations by five Kuusi degrees, even in the big cities of Europe, where they had all the best aids of the time at their disposal, especially the more precise local time determinations. 70) and Amerigo Vespucci used the same ones. Columbus. when trying to use them to determine the longitude of two West Indian places from lunar eclipses, the second time he was mistaken by more than 20°. on the other, almost 40°. How could one have demanded accuracy from a mariner, when even Regiomontanus’ own students were wrong in their longitude determinations by five Kuusi degrees, even in the big cities of Europe, where they had all the best aids of the time at their disposal, especially the more precise local time determinations. 70) and Amerigo Vespucci used the same ones. Columbus. when trying to use them to determine the longitude of two West Indian places from lunar eclipses, the second time he was mistaken by more than 20°. on the other, almost 40°. How could one have demanded accuracy from a mariner, when even Regiomontanus’ own students were wrong in their longitude determinations by five Kuusi degrees, even in the big cities of Europe, where they had all the best aids of the time at their disposal, especially the more precise local time determinations.

Excellent astronomers were sent from Spain to Mexico to get vv. For the lunar eclipses of 1577 and 1578, more precise location determinations were made, and they succeeded so well that there was only a 5° error left in the longitude difference between Mexico and Toledo, Spain. This greater accuracy was a result of that general resurgence in astronomy. which Tyko Brahe’s founding work brought about. From V 1560 not in Germany. In Holland, England, Italy, and a little later in France, not a single lunar eclipse was left unused in different places to show the time difference. However, the results were so imprecise that they had no meaning for shorter distances. Only Kepler could make all the corrections to the older observations that were necessary to obtain even somewhat satisfactory results.

Already in the 16th century, it was started to use the moon’s passage across the more prominent fixed stars, but this method still required much more elaborate star tables and was only developed more fully in the following century. Even Tyko Brahen’s boards had such big mistakes that they could cause errors of many degrees. Besides, errors were produced by the proximity of the moon, which makes it seem that the fixed stars, viewed from different places, do not disappear behind it at the same time; the error created through it could not be corrected, as long as there was no information about the distance to the moon. Amerigo Vespucci tried in 1499 to determine the longitude of a place on the coast of Venezuela from the closest distance to the moon using Regiomontanus’ tables, but when he did not take into account the perspective (parallax) difference between his position and Ulm’s long distance, so a mistake of degree 16 came into the order. During the Magalhães expedition, Andres de San Martín, the astronomer of the expedition, tried to determine the position of the bay of Rio de Janeiro from the conjunction of Jupiter and the moon, but the conjunction took place so much before the time of his tables that he got a time difference of 17 hours and 15 minutes, and from that the spot understood that the tables were invalid ( under this order, Rio de Janeiro would have been in the Bay of Bengal). Only in the middle of the eighteenth century had an accurate angle measuring machine been invented, the distance to the moon determined and reliable moon tables calculated, so that accurate results could be obtained using this method. More successful was the order for the moon’s passage past the meridian, for which tables were drawn up. Baffin was the first sailor to use this method with some success,

Expansion of the world map.

We noticed that the map developed in two directions at the end of the Middle Ages. Learned geographers got their hands on the maps of the ancient Greeks and, under Ptolemy, began to draw new maps of the world, which were largely nothing more than copies; sailors, on the other hand, started to prepare coastal maps based on their own observations for the needs of practical navigation. Ptolemy’s map was based on astronomical positioning, which theoretically would have been more correct if the means of observation had been sufficiently accurate; the sailors, on the other hand, based their charts on the compass directions (I, p. 400), and thus collected very valuable material, from which an excellent map of the Mediterranean countries and, to a lesser extent, the rest of Europe was compiled, considering the current state of geography.

The enormous expansion of knowledge of the earth that took place in the era of the great expeditions was entirely thanks to the sailors, and the discoveries were mapped using the method they invented. Both Portuguese and Spanish navigators compiled accurate sailing reports and charts of their voyages, and combining these sailing charts produced the first maps of the coasts of the New World and South Asia and Africa. Scholars, while publishing new and new editions of Ptolemy’s geography work, gradually began to take into account these observations of practical men and supplement it. This was a direct compulsion. when the classical authors had no knowledge of so many and great new lands and seas. In the second half of the sixteenth century, scholars finally completely freed themselves from the old formulas and the science of cartography advanced a giant step by Mercator and other eminent researchers. But stubbornly the old notions held their own and bit by bit the entrenched geographical prejudices were torn apart. Some of them remained valid even into the following centuries, such as the belief in the existence of a large Antarctic continent. It’s no wonder. With the information of the sixteenth century, it was not yet possible to accurately judge the flimsiness of the grounds that led Ptolemy to draw the continent to the south of the Indian sea, and well aware of the incomparably great importance that the old master had had, even later times were reluctant, without certain reasons, to reject the ideas inherited from him.

The oldest map of the Americas and the West Indies was drawn by Juan de la Cosa. which we have often mentioned already. He was a Basque by nationality and owned the “Santa Maria”, on which Columbus himself sailed on his first voyage. Juan de la Cosa himself was involved as a surveyor on both that and the second and third expeditions. In 1499, he sailed with Ojeda to the coast of Venezuela, the following year with Bastida to the same regions, and in 1510, after leaving again with Ojeda, he was killed there (vert. II, p. 221). He had therefore, through his own observation, acquired better knowledge of the West Indies than anyone before him. To supplement them, he used coastal maps prepared by other sailors. The most important of these was John Cabot’s map, which he must have received from London through the Spanish ambassador; Juan de la Cosa undoubtedly had knowledge of Cabot’s discoveries, because he also wrote on his map those that Cabot had apparently given. Juan de la Cosa combined all the information he received to get a map that stretched from the western corner of Brazil all the way to Newfoundland in the north. It is drawn on cow hide, a couple of meters long and a meter wide, it was found in the first half of the last century in Paris and is now kept in Madrid. On the edge of the map, Columbus is depicted carrying Jesus across the water as a sign that he had taken Christianity across the ocean. The flags mark the conquests of the country. Of course, there are many mistakes and shortcomings in both the general features and details of the map, but it must be said that it generally does not aim to express anything other than information based on actual conditions obtained through excursions. It is made by a practical man, not a theoretician. Among the biggest mistakes, let’s mention that the coast of North America partly runs directly from west to east; this was probably because the deviation of the compass from true north was not taken into account. With the help of this map, it has been possible to determine which of the Bahamas islands is Guanahani. where Columbus first arrived.

A couple of years later than Juan de la Cosa’s map is the map that Cantino drew in Lisbon for the Duke of Ferrara. It already includes the discoveries of the Portuguese Cortereal brothers, and the coast of Brazil has been extended southward from the spot discovered by Pinzoni, and the country has been given the name »Parrotland» according to Cabral. The Cantino map also shows the Portuguese discoveries in Indian waters and the dividing line of the Papal States, as in Juan de la Cosanq’s map. Several maps of the New World drawn in Italy have been preserved, which is not surprising when we remember that in the olden days map-making was so much more advanced in Italy than anywhere else; but of course the Italians had no first-hand sources to use. Nuño Garcia de Toreno drew 21 maps showing Magalhães’ journey. Not long ago, before discovery maps were placed on world maps. Attached is a copy of the world map drawn by the Spanish cosmographer Diego Ribero. That, too, differs from the maps of the learned geographers of the time through its practicality based on facts and avoiding arbitrariness. According to speculation, Ribero does not try to draw such regions, of which there are no special maps drawn up by sailors, but leaves them blank. Only the inland areas, which could not have been observed by sailors, were still drawn in the old schematic way and filled with images representing the general nature and population of the country. But the more factual, the more clearly Ribero’s map shows the mistakes caused by insufficient location. The easternmost tip of Brazil is only three degrees west of the westernmost island of the Viheriäniemi archipelago, although the difference in longitude is actually 10 degrees. Florida is five degrees too far east. But the farthest to the east have moved are the northeastern corners of North America; Labrador and Newfoundland are much too close to Europe on Ribero’s and almost all older maps, a full 14 degrees on Ribero’s map. The result was that the west coast of North America got completely wrong direction. This mistake could probably have been avoided to a large extent, if the beaches of North America had not become known at different times through different trips. It is possible. that the stretching of Newfoundland towards the east took place with the intention that it would more certainly be east of the dividing line, and thus not belong to the Spanish hemisphere. although the difference in longitude is actually 10 degrees. Florida is five degrees too far east. But the farthest to the east have moved are the northeastern corners of North America; Labrador and Newfoundland are much too close to Europe on Ribero’s and almost all older maps, a full 14 degrees on Ribero’s map. The result was that the west coast of North America got completely wrong direction. This mistake could probably have been avoided to a large extent, if the beaches of North America had not become known at different times through different trips. It is possible. that the stretching of Newfoundland towards the east took place with the intention that it would more certainly be east of the dividing line, and thus not belong to the Spanish hemisphere. although the difference in longitude is actually 10 degrees. Florida is five degrees too far east. But the farthest to the east have moved are the northeastern corners of North America; Labrador and Newfoundland are much too close to Europe on Ribero’s and almost all older maps, a full 14 degrees on Ribero’s map. The result was that the west coast of North America got completely wrong direction. This mistake could probably have been avoided to a large extent, if the beaches of North America had not become known at different times through different trips. It is possible. that the stretching of Newfoundland towards the east took place with the intention that it would more certainly be east of the dividing line, and thus not belong to the Spanish hemisphere. But the farthest to the east have moved are the northeastern corners of North America; Labrador and Newfoundland are much too close to Europe on Ribero’s and almost all older maps, a full 14 degrees on Ribero’s map. The result was that the west coast of North America got completely wrong direction. This mistake could probably have been avoided to a large extent, if the beaches of North America had not become known at different times through different trips. It is possible. that the stretching of Newfoundland towards the east took place with the intention that it would more certainly be east of the dividing line, and thus not belong to the Spanish hemisphere. But the farthest to the east have moved are the northeastern corners of North America; Labrador and Newfoundland are much too close to Europe on Ribero’s and almost all older maps, a full 14 degrees on Ribero’s map. The result was that the west coast of North America got completely wrong direction. This mistake could probably have been avoided to a large extent, if the beaches of North America had not become known at different times through different trips. It is possible. that the stretching of Newfoundland towards the east took place with the intention that it would more certainly be east of the dividing line, and thus not belong to the Spanish hemisphere. Ribero’s map shows a total of 14 degrees. The result was that the west coast of North America got completely wrong direction. This mistake could probably have been avoided to a large extent, if the beaches of North America had not become known at different times through different trips. It is possible. that the stretching of Newfoundland towards the east took place with the intention that it would more certainly be east of the dividing line, and thus not belong to the Spanish hemisphere. Ribero’s map shows a total of 14 degrees. The result was that the west coast of North America got completely wrong direction. This mistake could probably have been avoided to a large extent, if the beaches of North America had not become known at different times through different trips. It is possible. that the stretching of Newfoundland towards the east took place with the intention that it would more certainly be east of the dividing line, and thus not belong to the Spanish hemisphere.

In the sixteenth century, development began in the field of land maps. which corresponds to the development of sailing charts. We started drawing road maps. »itineraries», and regional maps of smaller and larger areas. Just as larger maps were compiled from sailing charts, until the outlines of all of Europe and then the globe were correctly described in their parts, these regional and country maps could also be used as a basis for general maps based on real conditions, and arbitrary daydreaming gave way more and more to the side. Admittedly, many of the country maps were also on a very flimsy basis, but the best of them were based on measurements made with a compass and chain and were remarkably accurate. A grid of degrees was not drawn on them, but others had a scale to measure distances. There were not yet sufficient astronomical position determinations for the degree network.

The great discoveries of the Spaniards and the Portuguese stimulated an extremely vigorous geographical hobby in all the civilized countries of that time, and the map developed especially in those countries that could not satisfy their awakened scientific desire for activity with extensive sea voyages. Just like geography, so did the land map, especially in Germany, whose rich, trading cities had the best conditions for it. Martin Behaim was from Nuremberg, and because of his cosmographic knowledge, he was recognized even in Portugal and drew the first globe showing the entire world, which has survived to our time.

Already in the 15th century, Cardinal Nikolaus Cusalainen (1401—1464) drew the first map of Germany, which was copied for a long time. Others, such as Waldseemüller (Hylacomylus). who named America, drew itinerary maps. Maps were drawn from Switzerland by Konrad Turst (d. 1497) and Agidius Tschudi (1538), from Bavaria by Aventinus (1523) and Filipp Apian (1550—1560), whose map is the best of these maps. There are also surviving maps of Württemberg, the Brandenburg states and the Electoral Principality of Saxony, a map that is known to have been hidden with great care by the authorities so that it would not fall into the hands of foreigners, well understanding the importance of the map in war. Torquatus made such a precise map and account of the diocese of Halberstadt that it was possible to determine the subsequent changes in the land surface. 16 have survived: A map of Nuremberg and its countryside made in the 1st century. City maps, however, were more perspective images than site plans, and their significance is more artistic and historical than geographical.

Wolfgang Lazius drew a map of Austria and Hungary (1545—63). More accurate maps of Italy were drawn by Gasteldi and Ruscclli, who delivered a new edition of Ptolemy. Water bodies and mountains were very accurately depicted on Italian maps. Regarding the maps of smaller areas, it should be mentioned that Leonardo da Vinci prepared accurate maps of Umbria, Tuscany and Maremma, the coastal marshes of Tuscany and Latium while he was in the service of Cesare Borgia. The main places of map drawing in Italy were Venice and Rome, where there were special presses for it. The French map was published in 1560 by Jolivet, the English Lhwyd (1569) and Saxton (1575). The Iberian Peninsula was mapped by Pedro de Medina and Alvaro (1560).

In the middle of the century, a map was also obtained from Russia, which destroyed many ancient misconceptions. It was drawn up by the Krainian nobleman Sigmund v. Herberstein, who was in Moscow as the Austrian ambassador. This map no longer shows the Riphaean Amors drawn in the direction of the Baltic Sea, but it shows the Urals, which runs in a north-south direction. Ob and its tributary Irtish are prominent among the rivers flowing into the Arctic Ocean. The map and the accompanying narrative were printed in Vienna in 1549.

Due to their remote position, the Nordic countries remained a stepchild on the maps of Europe for a long time. However, in the best portolanas of the Middle Ages, the main countries were already separated, and Scandinavia was no longer drawn as a group of islands, as in Ptolemy’s map. In the Vesconte map (from 1320), Scandinavia is a not quite large peninsula, which is connected to the mainland by a narrow isthmus. On others, especially on the so-called Catalan map, it is a clumsy peninsula-like growth whose southern coast is full of bays and capes. In 1427, the Dane Claudius Clavus Niger l. Swartho drew, probably for a Ptolemaic institution, a map where the positions of the Scandinavian countries were more correctly indicated. Although this map was so much earlier than the discovery of America, we already see Greenland depicted and named on it, which proves the map maker’s Nordic additional information. Greenland is connected by the Arctic Ocean, going around the northern side of Scandinavia to northeastern Europe. In this »hafsbotn» (II, p. 441) Iceland is between Greenland and Norway. The northern parts of the Baltic Sea are completely unmembered, the name »Finland» written right next to »Stockholm». In Swartho’s map, the longitude of the Scandinavian peninsula is still east-west. For more than a century, Scandinavia was drawn in this way on maps, and Finland mostly shone through its absence, as, for example, in the Ptolemy edition that was published in Strasbourg in 1513. Following Swartho’s map, Greenland is also depicted as an oval cape that joins Europe behind Iceland. When Swartho didn’t know any names for Greenland, he wrote the words of a poem on its shores. Greenland is connected by the Arctic Ocean, going around the northern side of Scandinavia to northeastern Europe. In this »hafsbotn» (II, p. 441) Iceland is between Greenland and Norway. The northern parts of the Baltic Sea are completely unmembered, the name »Finland» written right next to »Stockholm». In Swartho’s map, the longitude of the Scandinavian peninsula is still east-west. For more than a century, Scandinavia was drawn in this way on maps, and Finland mostly shone through its absence, as, for example, in the Ptolemy edition that was published in Strasbourg in 1513. Following Swartho’s map, Greenland is also depicted as an oval cape that joins Europe behind Iceland. When Swartho didn’t know any names for Greenland, he wrote the words of a poem on its shores. Greenland is connected by the Arctic Ocean, going around the northern side of Scandinavia to northeastern Europe. In this »hafsbotn» (II, p. 441) Iceland is between Greenland and Norway. The northern parts of the Baltic Sea are completely unmembered, the name »Finland» written right next to »Stockholm». In Swartho’s map, the longitude of the Scandinavian peninsula is still east-west. For more than a century, Scandinavia was drawn in this way on maps, and Finland mostly shone through its absence, as, for example, in the Ptolemy edition that was published in Strasbourg in 1513. Following Swartho’s map, Greenland is also depicted as an oval cape that joins Europe behind Iceland. When Swartho didn’t know any names for Greenland, he wrote the words of a poem on its shores. 441) is Iceland between Greenland and Norway. The northern parts of the Baltic Sea are completely unmembered, the name »Finland» written right next to »Stockholm». In Swartho’s map, the longitude of the Scandinavian peninsula is still east-west. For more than a century, Scandinavia was drawn in this way on maps, and Finland mostly shone through its absence, as, for example, in the Ptolemy edition that was published in Strasbourg in 1513. Following Swartho’s map, Greenland is also depicted as an oval cape that joins Europe behind Iceland. When Swartho didn’t know any names for Greenland, he wrote the words of a poem on its shores. 441) is Iceland between Greenland and Norway. The northern parts of the Baltic Sea are completely unmembered, the name »Finland» written right next to »Stockholm». In Swartho’s map, the longitude of the Scandinavian peninsula is still east-west. For more than a century, Scandinavia was drawn in this way on maps, and Finland mostly shone through its absence, as, for example, in the Ptolemy edition that was published in Strasbourg in 1513. Following Swartho’s map, Greenland is also depicted as an oval cape that joins Europe behind Iceland. When Swartho didn’t know any names for Greenland, he wrote the words of a poem on its shores. For more than a century, Scandinavia was drawn in this way on maps, and Finland mostly shone through its absence, as, for example, in the Ptolemy edition that was published in Strasbourg in 1513. Following Swartho’s map, Greenland is also depicted as an oval cape that joins Europe behind Iceland. When Swartho didn’t know any names for Greenland, he wrote the words of a poem on its shores. For more than a century, Scandinavia was drawn in this way on maps, and Finland mostly shone through its absence, as, for example, in the Ptolemy edition that was published in Strasbourg in 1513. Following Swartho’s map, Greenland is also depicted as an oval cape that joins Europe behind Iceland. When Swartho didn’t know any names for Greenland, he wrote the words of a poem on its shores.

The Bavarian Jakob Ziegler, born in Landshut in 1480, took quite a step forward in the mapping of the Nordic countries. Ziegler published a work about Scandinavia called »Schondia», including a map that differed from all the previous ones. Although Ziegler himself had not been to Sweden or Norway, not to mention Finland, he met several Scandinavians in Rome, whose oral information he used; two of these were Norwegian bishops, the third Johannes Magnus, a scholar of Scandinavian history, the brother of its first geographer. Johannes Magnus had then already started writing his history work, to which he attached a geographical description, and he gave it to Ziegler to read. Ziegler reports the geographic longitude and latitude of several hundred Scandinavian places, but these reports were of course only rough guesses, and could not be based on actual observations. In his map, Scandinavia was described for the first time as a long, north-south peninsula. The Gulf of Pohjanlahti, whose name on the map is »Sinus Finnonicus«, is rightly described as a gulf of the Baltic Sea jutting towards the north, but the Gulf of Finland as running almost parallel to it, so that Finland is a narrow, sharp promontory between these two gulfs. In the northern part of Scandinavia is Lapland, which connects to Greenland through a wide isthmus. so that Finland is a narrow sharp promontory between these two gulfs. In the northern part of Scandinavia is Lapland, which connects to Greenland through a wide isthmus. so that Finland is a narrow sharp promontory between these two gulfs. In the northern part of Scandinavia is Lapland, which connects to Greenland through a wide isthmus.

Soon after this, a map was finally obtained, which for the first time gave a more accurate picture of the Nordic countries, and an extensive work on their nature and inhabitants. The map was drawn up and the work was written by Olaus Magnus. Until the middle of the next century, his map was the best that existed of the Nordic countries. The map was completed in 1539, his work »Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus» (an account of the Nordic peoples) was not printed until 1567 in Basel. Finland has been taken into account in both the map and the book. Considering the importance of Olaus Magnus’s works, we will tell you more about them later.

Ptolemaic editions.

Ptolemy’s geography work with its maps first became known to Western scholars through the Arabs. The Arabs perhaps gave it priority next to Strabo’s work for the reason that it was both later and based on more abundant mathematical material, although Strabo’s work is undoubtedly much more advanced from the point of view of pure geography. Ptolemy’s authority was also supported by the fact that he was the best astronomer of his time, and in that field too he could give the budding science of the Middle Ages the best guidance. Ptolemy’s geography work was then received in the West, even in its original language, it was translated into Latin and spread handwritten until the art of letterpress printing was invented and it could be started to be distributed with this new duplicating method. It is not certain whether any of the original maps survive in the manuscript; probably is.

Ptolemy’s geography work then remained until the end of the 16th century as the most important tool for geography studies in Europe, and dozens of editions were made of it. These editions are important in the history of geography because they took into account the development of science and the discovery of new lands, both in the text and in the accompanying map book. They thus gradually distanced themselves more and more from Ptolemy’s original work, the text of which they otherwise did not follow faithfully even in the beginning.

The first Latin edition of Ptolemy was published in 1462 in Bologna by Jacobus Angelus. In 1475 the work was printed in Vicenza, in 1478 in Rome. The first Greek edition was published by Erasmus in Basel in 1533. In the Latin edition published by Nicolaus Germanus in Ulm in 1482, there was the first scientifically accurate degree grid. In the edition published by Waldseemüller (Hylacomylus) in 1507, discoveries from across the Atlantic were taken into account for the first time. The following year, Johannes Ruysch published the same institution, adding a map magazine describing Pohjola. In 1511, an edition edited by Sylvanus was published in Rome. In the edition that Juhana Schott published in Strassburg in 1513, 20 new leaves were added to be edited by Hylacomylus. In 1511, the distinguished Ptolemaios institution was printed in Venice, which included North America. The following editions of Ptolemy should also be mentioned: Pirckheymer’s in Strassburg in 1525: Servet’s in Lyon in 1535; Münster in Basel in 1540. These earlier editions were of large folio size; the first duodesi edition was published in Siebenburg by Honter in 1530 and 1540; due to its convenient size, it became very popular. All these earlier editions were marred by many textual errors which each new copyist had added to the manuscript of the previous one; the first critical edition was received only in the last century. the first duodesi edition was published in Siebenburg by Honter in 1530 and 1540; due to its convenient size, it became very popular. All these earlier editions were marred by many textual errors which each new copyist had added to the manuscript of the previous one; the first critical edition was received only in the last century. the first duodesi edition was published in Siebenburg by Honter in 1530 and 1540; due to its convenient size, it became very popular. All these earlier editions were marred by many textual errors which each new copyist had added to the manuscript of the previous one; the first critical edition was received only in the last century.

Grade network.

While the Greek scholars had become convinced that the earth was spherical, it also became clear to them that it could not be accurately depicted on a flat surface. But by following the theoretical principles of measurement, errors could be greatly reduced, so that even on a flat surface the map satisfied the most important requirements. A degree network was invented. The simplest was the so-called latus map, where the degrees of longitude and latitude cut each other at right angles and along the same distance at intervals; but of course it does not give any idea that the meridians meet the poles, and moreover it misrepresents the areas. Marinos from Tyro is considered to be the inventor of the latuska map. A more advanced idea is represented by the cone projections invented by Ptolemy, who thought of a cone on top of the earth’s pole, which extended downward as far as the area to be depicted, and the grid of degrees was drawn on it in such a way that the north pole was the tip of the cone, the circles of latitude went around the cone, and the meridian circles, radiating from the tip, intersected them. When this sphere was then thought to be cut open along some meridian circle and spread out, a grid of degrees precisely defined in terms of measurement theory was obtained, on which the map could be drawn.

In the sixteenth century, this side of the map was also developed and projections were invented, which are still prevalent in their field. According to others, the Toscanelli map was the same as the sketch drawn on page 10 of this book shows, according to others, it was a Latus map. The Ptolemaios editions used projections designed by the master himself. But at the same time new ones were planned. Juhana Stöffler and, according to him, Juhana Werner prepared a stereographic degree network. Pietari Apian drew the entire globe on one sheet of paper and invented a projection for it. For the same purpose, Werner asked his friend prof. According to Stab’s indications, he invented a heart-shaped, cordiform projection, which was the first scale grid, i.e. the ratios of the mutual extents of the map squares were the same as on the spherical map. This projection was used a lot at the time. But the most important work in this field was done by Gerhard Mercator. He improved the plane map in such a way that he gradually increased the distance between the parallel circuits towards both poles according to the standard instructions. The Mercator projection has the characteristic that the shapes of the countries otherwise remain correct, except that the scale increases steadily towards the poles and the northern countries are therefore disproportionately large compared to the equatorial regions. In the Latuska map, the difference is not as noticeable, but it again weighs down all the countries as if the east-west scale of the countries increases towards the poles, but the north-south scale, on the other hand, remains the same. The projection invented by Mercator has another extremely important feature. If a line is drawn on it, which cuts all meridian circles at the same angle, then this line (the so-called loxodrome) is straight. In other words, the sailor could draw a straight line on the map from his starting point to the point he wanted to arrive at, measure the angle of the line with the meridian, and sail according to it. At the same time, he knew which places would be along his route. However, a century passed before sailors understood the advantages of this map. Mercator also improved cone projection. The Frenchman Postell invented a sea map in 1581, where the pole is the center of the map, meridians branch from it like the spokes of a wheel, parallels are circles drawn around the pole. This degree grid is still used to depict the polar regions on the map. the sailor could draw a line on the map from his starting point to the point he wanted to arrive, measure the angle of the line with the meridian and sail according to it. At the same time, he knew which places would be along his route. However, a century passed before sailors understood the advantages of this map. Mercator also improved cone projection. The Frenchman Postell invented a sea map in 1581, where the pole is the center of the map, meridians branch from it like the spokes of a wheel, parallels are circles drawn around the pole. This degree grid is still used to depict the polar regions on the map. the sailor could draw a line on the map from his starting point to the point he wanted to arrive, measure the angle of the line with the meridian and sail according to it. At the same time, he knew which places would be along his route. However, a century passed before sailors understood the advantages of this map. Mercator also improved cone projection. The Frenchman Postell invented a sea map in 1581, where the pole is the center of the map, meridians branch from it like the spokes of a wheel, parallels are circles drawn around the pole. This degree grid is still used to depict the polar regions on the map. before sailors understood the advantages of this chart. Mercator also improved cone projection. The Frenchman Postell invented a sea map in 1581, where the pole is the center of the map, meridians branch from it like the spokes of a wheel, parallels are circles drawn around the pole. This degree grid is still used to depict the polar regions on the map. before sailors understood the advantages of this chart. Mercator also improved cone projection. The Frenchman Postell invented a sea map in 1581, where the pole is the center of the map, meridians branch from it like the spokes of a wheel, parallels are circles drawn around the pole. This degree grid is still used to depict the polar regions on the map.

Thus, the most important projections were invented and they were used according to what the position of the area on the map and its extent required at any given time.

Gerhard Mercator and Abraham Ortelius.

These were the two men through whom mapping made the most progress in the sixteenth century and completely freed itself from classical models. The main stages of their biographies are apt to show how important a field of science drawing with maps had already become, and how powerful men were ready to compromise a little even with their religious prejudices when they needed the help of a man like Mercator.

Mercator (1512—1594), whose real name was Kremer, was from Flanders, of Flemish descent. At the University of Löwen, he got to know Apian’s student Gemma Frisius, who had settled there at the urging of Charles V. Frisius probably got Mercator excited about mapping and geography. As early as 1534, he founded his geographical institute in Löwen and a few years later published his first map showing the Holy Land. 1537-1540 he mapped Flanders. On the order of Emperor Charles V, he then prepared astronomical observation instruments to be used during the emperor’s military expeditions. Around the same time, he also published his first world map, where Ptolemy’s influence still prevails, and prepared his famous globe map in 1541 and ten years later his sky globe map.

Mercator was early inclined towards Protestantism, which is why he had to escape to Antwerp for a while in 1533. In 1544, however, he was imprisoned and put on trial for heresy together with forty-two other persons, two of whom were burned, one was beheaded and two were buried alive. Mercator escaped punishment, but the incident made such a deep impression on him that he moved out of the country and was given a teaching position at the University of Duisburg by the Duke of Jûlich-Cleve-Berg. Although the founding of the university was delayed for so long that Mercator was not able to start his teaching career in his lifetime, but he nevertheless received a permanent position from the duke and stayed in Germany, where a large part of his family already lived. At the emperor’s invitation, he later visited Brussels and gave Charles V the so-called cosmos, i.e. a globe map,

In 1554, Mercator published his large six-page map of Europe, where he already began to free himself from Ptolemy and corrected the length of the Mediterranean Sea, whose exaggeration was one of the biggest errors in Ptolemy’s map. The longitude of the Mediterranean is there 62°: in his first spherical map Mercator reduced it to 58° and in his map of Europe to 53°; there was still twenty degrees too much, because the true longitude of the Mediterranean is only 41 1/2°. Although Kepler approximately correctly determined the longitude of Constantinople, a century passed before the Mediterranean Sea was subsequently shortened. In 1568, Mercator published his sea map, the meaning of which we already talked about above. At the end of his life, he began to gather all his knowledge about the topography of the different countries of the world in a map book, from which he used the word »atlas» for the first time. However, he himself was not allowed to see its completion;

Abraham Ortelius was born in Antwerp in 1527 and died in the same city in 1598; he was German by birth, his parents having emigrated from Augsburg. Ortelius traveled widely in all the countries of Western Europe on business matters, although he was also a cartographer by profession and with that title belonged to a guild in Antwerp. In 1560, while traveling with Mercator in Lothring, he became interested in geography under his influence and, at the urging of his friend, began to prepare his large map, through which he then became famous. Ortelius’ atlas was published in 1570 under the name »Theatrum Orbis Terrarum»; it was the first modern atlas and contained 53 maps. Most of these maps were borrowed — Ortelius himself mentions 87 authors, — and many mistakes have been included, large areas are misdrawn, but overall this map was excellent for its time, and it became so popular that it went through five third editions before Ortelius’ death, and continued to be reprinted for a couple of decades after his death. In 1573 Ortelius published 17 additional maps. In 1575, King Philip II of Spain took him as his geographer, when his orthodoxy was assured — in 1535, he was suspected of Protestantism. In the second half of his life, he studied the geography of the Old Age and published works on it that founded this branch of science. Ortelius was such a famous man when he died that all of Antwerp mourned him. that five third editions were published before Ortelius’ death, and new editions were published for a couple of decades after his death. In 1573 Ortelius published 17 additional maps. In 1575, King Philip II of Spain took him as his geographer, when his orthodoxy was assured — in 1535, he was suspected of Protestantism. In the second half of his life, he studied the geography of the Old Age and published works on it that founded this branch of science. Ortelius was such a famous man when he died that all of Antwerp mourned him. that five third editions were published before Ortelius’ death, and new editions were published for a couple of decades after his death. In 1573 Ortelius published 17 additional maps. In 1575, King Philip II of Spain took him as his geographer, when his orthodoxy was assured — in 1535, he was suspected of Protestantism. In the second half of his life, he studied the geography of the Old Age and published works on it that founded this branch of science. Ortelius was such a famous man when he died that all of Antwerp mourned him. 1535 suspected of Protestantism. In the second half of his life, he studied the geography of the Old Age and published works on it that founded this branch of science. Ortelius was such a famous man when he died that all of Antwerp mourned him. 1535 suspected of Protestantism. In the second half of his life, he studied the geography of the Old Age and published works on it that founded this branch of science. Ortelius was such a famous man when he died that all of Antwerp mourned him.

Ortelius was more of a collector and selector, while Mercator was a creative genius and critic. But even Mercator’s criticism did not extend beyond well-known areas, outside of which he let his imagination run free. He used old geographical fables to fill the polar regions, filled the interior parts of Africa with the names of Ptolemy, mixed the names of this teacher and the pictures that Fra Mauro had drawn according to Marco Polo’s travelogue to the unknown parts of Asia. But of Europe, his maps were the best that were drawn up almost to the end of the 17th century. Although Europanka’s drawing is still not as graceful as on our current maps, but without looking carefully and comparing it is difficult to notice mistakes in the countries of Western, Central and Southern Europe, that’s why the features are already certain.

Ball map.

Globe maps were already made in the Olden days, but they were still little more than a great idea waiting to be implemented. The Arabs built celestial globes, and King Alfonso X of Leon, an astronomer, included one in his astronomy work. From Toscanelli’s letter to his acquaintance in Portugal, it can be seen that globe maps were made in Italy. But the oldest globe map that has survived to our time is the one that Martti Behaim built on the order of the city of Nuremberg. Magalhães, Del Cano and Verrazzano seem to have had maps of the ball. Among the oldest preserved ones is the so-called Lennox globe, which is probably from the first decades of the 16th century; it has America designated as »Novus Mundus». Also famous is the »Nancy globe» from 1530, which is silver and partly gilded;

Juhana Schöner, who was a teacher in the Melanchthon gymnasium founded in Nuremberg in 1526, built many globe maps that were assembled from printed meridian strips; the first globe assembled from strips printed on wood was built by Waldseemüller. Leonardo da Vinci also built a globe. Albrecht Dürer gave the first instructions on how to draw the globe strips. Of course, the spherical map assembled in this way could not be accurate, because the intermediate strips of the meridians were printed on a flat surface, but as an observation spacer, the spherical map was quite popular.

The new materials for the world map were therefore mostly in the hands of the Spanish and Portuguese. The sea charts drawn by them had to be copied by German and other scholars. But at a time when so little printed material was still being published, these materials must have been difficult to obtain, especially since the governments of both Spain and Portugal kept much of the information collected secret. That must be the main reason why, much later than the best Spanish and Portuguese maps had been prepared, so many inferior maps appeared, which are great steps backwards from what had already been achieved. Another reason, however, was that the German geographers were not satisfied with the additional information that had been obtained so abundantly through the expeditions, but tried to modify it in such a way, that they agree with the authors of old. It was not possible without a great deal of arbitrariness and imagination, and thus in the sixteenth century those many strange map fetuses were born. which today seem so unfathomable when we see so much better ones published in the past.

In the beginning, however, scientists were more open-minded than practical men. Columbus stubbornly maintained that the lands he discovered belonged to East Asia, and indeed in his time there was no definite evidence that this was a great mistake. But cosmographers disagreed; they, from what they had heard about the nature of the new countries, especially from the descriptions of Amerigo Vespucci, decided that South America was a different continent. The medieval doctrine that the earth was divided into three parts (terra tripartita) was therefore abandoned, and Pietari Apianus, Juhana Schöner and Sebastian Münster declared that the earth was divided into four parts (terra quadripartila). According to it, maps and globes were drawn, such as Ruyschi’s from 1507, and many others. North America was described as an archipelago, although already Juan de la Cosa had already drawn a uniform coast for it, and its northernmost part often belonged to Eastern Asia. But already in the third decade of the sixteenth century, a strange change of ideas took place in the scientific world, despite the fact that Magalhães had shown through his voyage how it was necessary to sail across an endlessly vast sea before coming from the shores of South America to East Asia. Franciscus Monachus v. 1526 drew America and Asia together belonging to and running along the coast from Mexico directly west to China. And strangely enough, the story of Magalhães’ journey made Schöner change his mind too. that Magalhães had shown through his trip how it was necessary to sail across the immense wide sea before coming from the shores of South America to East Asia. Franciscus Monachus v. 1526 drew America and Asia as belonging together and the coast running from Mexico directly westward to China. And strangely enough, the story of Magalhães’ journey made Schöner change his mind too. that Magalhães had shown through his trip how it was necessary to sail across the immense wide sea before coming from the shores of South America to East Asia. Franciscus Monachus v. 1526 drew America and Asia as belonging together and the coast running from Mexico directly westward to China. And strangely enough, the story of Magalhães’ journey made Schöner change his mind too.

In a geographical work from 1533, he states that the new land discovered beyond the Atlantic was the continent of Asia itself. He too thought the beach ran from Mexico directly to China. He therefore does not mention the name of America, and thus he drew the world in the globe he published in 1534. The same concept prevails in the Nancy globe, the globe of Orontius Finaeus and many others until the end of the century.

However, in parallel with this concept, the fact that the New World was an independent continent still had its side. A strait was drawn between North America and Asia, and the strait changed its shape and position according to how, in the search for it, the regions from which it could start had to be moved further and further away. At first it was drawn as starting from the Atlantic Ocean in relatively southern latitudes and running straight west to the Deep Sea; Asia was drawn to extend on its north side all the way to Greenland, as in the illustrated spherical map made in Nuremberg. The strait was named the Strait of Anian; probably this name passed there through some misunderstanding of Marco Polo’s nomenclature of the Hind Indies. Later, the strait changed its direction to north-south, just like the Behring Strait, which thus entered its proper place on the maps a hundred years before there was any real knowledge of its existence. The Straits of Anian drew with it from the Back India other names listed by Marco Polo; Coleman gave the name Toloman to the part of North America that corresponded to present-day Alaska. Besides the Anian Strait, there was also the Anian Land and the Bay. Probably the transfer of these names to America was the merit of those maps that had drawn the coast to run from Mexico to East Asia as a continuous country. When both Continents were then separated by the strait, all Asian country and place names had to go backwards, but a few, whose Asianness was not so guaranteed, remained on the east side of the strait as part of America, from which, however, they all disappeared as the discoveries continued. as if there was any real knowledge of its existence. The Straits of Anian drew with it from the Back India other names listed by Marco Polo; Coleman gave the name Toloman to the part of North America that corresponded to present-day Alaska. Besides the Anian Strait, there was also the Anian Land and the Bay. Probably the transfer of these names to America was the merit of those maps that had drawn the coast to run from Mexico to East Asia as a continuous country. When both Continents were then separated by the strait, all Asian country and place names had to go backwards, but a few, whose Asianness was not so guaranteed, remained on the east side of the strait as part of America, from which, however, they all disappeared as the discoveries continued. as if there was any real knowledge of its existence. The Straits of Anian drew with it from the Back India other names listed by Marco Polo; Coleman gave the name Toloman to the part of North America that corresponded to present-day Alaska. Besides the Anian Strait, there was also the Anian Land and the Bay. Probably the transfer of these names to America was the merit of those maps that had drawn the coast to run from Mexico to East Asia as a continuous country. When both Continents were then separated by the strait, all Asian country and place names had to go backwards, but a few, whose Asianness was not so guaranteed, remained on the east side of the strait as part of America, from which, however, they all disappeared as the discoveries continued. Coleman gave the name Toloman to the part of North America that corresponded to present-day Alaska. Besides the Anian Strait, there was also the Anian Land and the Bay. Probably the transfer of these names to America was the merit of those maps that had drawn the coast to run from Mexico to East Asia as a continuous country. When both Continents were then separated by the strait, all Asian country and place names had to go backwards, but a few, whose Asianness was not so guaranteed, remained on the east side of the strait as part of America, from which, however, they all disappeared as the discoveries continued. Coleman gave the name Toloman to the part of North America that corresponded to present-day Alaska. Besides the Anian Strait, there was also the Anian Land and the Bay. Probably the transfer of these names to America was the merit of those maps that had drawn the coast to run from Mexico to East Asia as a continuous country. When both Continents were then separated by the strait, all Asian country and place names had to go backwards, but a few, whose Asianness was not so guaranteed, remained on the east side of the strait as part of America, from which, however, they all disappeared as the discoveries continued. who had drawn the coast to run from Mexico to East Asia as a continuous country. When both Continents were then separated by the strait, all Asian country and place names had to go backwards, but a few, whose Asianness was not so guaranteed, remained on the east side of the strait as part of America, from which, however, they all disappeared as the discoveries continued. who had drawn the coast to run from Mexico to East Asia as a continuous country. When both Continents were then separated by the strait, all Asian country and place names had to go backwards, but a few, whose Asianness was not so guaranteed, remained on the east side of the strait as part of America, from which, however, they all disappeared as the discoveries continued.

The mapping of the African coast became clear early on, as can be seen in the map drawn by Diego Ribero. Depicting the southern and eastern parts of Asia progressed more slowly. In the large Portuguese sea map from 1501-1504, they have not yet developed much. except that the connection with Africa via Southland has been cut off – this correction was actually made already on the maps of the Middle Ages. — but through painstaking work, the Portuguese in the following decades cleared this wide, multi-folded continental edge and the vast archipelago to such an extent that they are almost correctly drawn in the map »Asiae nova deskriptio» published by Ortelius in 1570. The biggest errors have remained in the extreme east and southeast corner, where only a part of the coast of New Guinea was known.

Geography works.

Along with Rinna’s map, the verbal description of the globe also developed. The Ptolemy editions were supplemented and expanded, but in the end this work swelled in all directions to such an extent that the old venerable frame was no longer suitable, and completely independent geographical works had to be engraved.

The most famous of these is written by Sebastian Münster, who held his own for a long time. Sebastian Münster (1489-1552) had studied in Heidelberg and Tübingen, became a member of the Franciscan order of monks, but gave it up and converted to the Lutheran faith. He was a learned theologian and scholar of oriental languages, publishing, among other things, the first Hebrew Bible printed in Germany, grammars and dictionaries; but he achieved his most lasting fame as a geographer. His »Cosmographia» was the result of a lot of work, 120 assistants were preparing it. The first edition was published in 1544, but the most valuable is the 1550 edition because of its portraits, city and costume images. Münster’s model was Ptolemy and not Strabo, and therefore his geographical works are mostly dry enumerations and notices of the products of countries and places; there are very few natural scenes in it. There was not a clear enough line of demarcation between geography and history, excerpts from the history of each country are told and rulers are listed, ancient monuments and all kinds of attractions are explained in the same way as in a modern travel manual. On the other hand, however, Münster was the first to tell about the ice streams in the Alps. His work on the German institution was published in 25 editions; apart from German, there was also a Latin department, and it was translated into many other languages ​​as well. On the other hand, however, Münster was the first to tell about the ice streams in the Alps. His work on the German institution was published in 25 editions; apart from German, there was also a Latin department, and it was translated into many other languages ​​as well. On the other hand, however, Münster was the first to tell about the ice streams in the Alps. His work on the German institution was published in 25 editions; apart from German, there was also a Latin department, and it was translated into many other languages ​​as well.

More colorful was the cosmography published by the Frenchman André Thevet in 1575, when he had traveled both in Africa and the West Indies and climbed the hills of the Pyrenees, so that he could describe the world as he saw it, and not as the learned “who have seen nothing else” like the cobwebs of one’s own corner of the room.» The eminent Portuguese historian João de Barros would probably have written a more valuable work on geography than the others if he had been able to carry out his intention; but he managed to publish stories about only a few regions of Africa, such as the Sahara and Senegambia. Spanish writers of colonial history also gave extensive descriptions of new overseas countries in their works, such as the Jesuit Josef Acosta. who depicted Peru, and Oviedo, whose history of India has almost as much geography as history; but none of them, with the exception of Enciso, whose »Suma de geographia» was published in Seville in 1519, wrote a complete work of geography.

Travel reports.

In addition to cosmographies, many presentations were published about private countries and various branches of science, especially mathematical geography.

The state of the sciences was not yet such that it would have been possible to scientifically process the exceptionally rich collections of materials that arrived from all corners of the world in the sixteenth century. We mainly settled for telling and describing. Travel accounts were written and published with commendable diligence; they were written by, besides actual explorers, statesmen, knights, merchants, adventurers, and men of spiritual rank, especially missionaries. First they were written by the Spanish and Portuguese, then the English, Dutch, Italians and Germans. They described the nature of the countries seen, but even more the people and the population, thus compiling material that is the most valuable for the research of our time. The narratives that were written about the conquests of Mexico and Peru, for example, are so complete that Prescott could almost exclusively base his classic histories of these two landmark cases on them. Although the inhabitants of the Antilles had already died out in the middle of the 16th century, a lot of information has been preserved so that we can create at least one picture of their social institutions. Thus some of the spiritual men who were sent to convert the natives of the Antilles to Christianity published an account of the religious notions of the islanders, which was published in the biography of Columbus. however, a lot of information has been preserved so that we can create at least one image of their social institutions. Thus some of the spiritual men who were sent to convert the natives of the Antilles to Christianity published an account of the religious notions of the islanders, which was published in the biography of Columbus. however, a lot of information has been preserved so that we can create at least one image of their social institutions. Thus some of the spiritual men who were sent to convert the natives of the Antilles to Christianity published an account of the religious notions of the islanders, which was published in the biography of Columbus.

Unfortunately, many valuable travelogues have been lost, and even more would have been lost if the most famous ones had not been included in the large travelogue collections that were published in different countries over the course of the century. The most famous of these collections are those of Ramusion (early 1550), Hakluyt (early 1569) and the previously mentioned De Bryn, which was first published in 1590.

Gian Battista Ramusio (1485—1557) belonged to a Venetian noble family and traveled widely in Europe in the service of his hometown. He was a learned man and was enthusiastic about expeditions and geography since he was a boy. At home in Venice, he opened a geography school with the help of a like-minded friend. As early as 1523, he began collecting materials for his great work, maintaining an exceptionally extensive correspondence with both known and unknown contemporaries. Two volumes were printed during Ramusio’s lifetime (years 1550 and 1556), the third was completed only after his death, year 1559. The fourth volume was left unfinished. Without sparing his trouble, Ramusio collected materials from both Spain and Portugal and translated the stories in foreign languages ​​into Italian. His collection is, among other things, to thank for, that the account of Barbosa’s expeditions and Pigafeta’s account of Magalhães’ journey have been preserved for posterity. His Marco Polo Institution is of excellent value for the additional information and explanations it contains. Among other things, there is published a charming description of the Poles’ return to Venice from their long trip, according to how the incident was still remembered in Ramusio’s lifetime in the lagoon city.

Ramusio’s collection, which was called »Navigationi e Viaggi» (sailings and journeys), appeared in many editions and additions were always made to the new editions, so that the ones published at the beginning of the 17th century already included Dutch Arctic voyages.

Richard Hakluyt (1553—1616) was an Englishman. After studying geography, he lectured on this subject at Oxford University until he accepted the post of chaplain at the English mission in Paris, staying there for half a decade. In England, he was »acquainted with the most advanced sea captains, the biggest merchants and the best sailors of his people». In Paris, he collected more materials to make the nature of North American countries known and to be printed in his great work. Based on the information he acquired, at the request of Sir Walter Raleigh, he wrote a report on the discoveries made in the west, to urge the English to usurp and settle the fertile shores of North America.

After returning from France, Hakluyt published a complete edition of his large collection of travelogues in three volumes in 1589; he had already published a shorter collection earlier. This publication is an incomparably important collection of material for the knowledge of geographical discoveries and the history of colonial settlement. It acquired a lasting reputation for its publisher, and it was not for nothing that the great English Hakluyt Society named itself in his memory, whose special hobby is the history of expeditions. In many other ways Hakluyt promoted geographical pursuits and geographical literature, and to Hakluyt the English people perhaps have more to thank than any other contemporary of Queen Elizabeth for establishing a permanent foothold on the shores of North America.

De Bry’s travelogue, which we have mentioned before (II. p. 21), was especially valuable because of its abundant illustrations. These pictures are reliable if they also concern costumes, weapons, tools and human dwellings, but of course it was impossible that they would have depicted the facial features and body structure of the people across the ocean with the accuracy that meets modern requirements. Several other collections of travelogues were published, but their historical value is not as great as the above, although others may have been read more. Such collections show how lively the geographical hobby had awakened in European countries, how wide the readership of general-minded geographical literature was.

The accounts and maps of the missionaries are among the geographical achievements of the next century.

Physical Geography.

The natural sciences had not progressed much from the position Aristotle and other Greek scholars had left them, so how could the era of the great expeditions have dealt with the abundance of materials that flooded the workrooms of the scholars from various sources in the modern sense? It was natural that geography, as well as other observational sciences, was content to describe and group phenomena at first, before it began to penetrate and create science for those reasons.

Not much attention was paid to the height of the ground because their importance was not understood. Although on Mercator’s map of Europe, the most important mountain ranges are in place, but outside of our continent, there is hardly any sign of the largest mountains on the maps. However, the literature was not completely lacking in information that the map makers could have used as a guide; Acosta, for example, in his work published in 1590 divides Peru into three: the rainless coastal zone, the highlands and the densely forested eastern slopes of the cordillera: he describes Mexico as a plateau whose mountain edges have risen up to the side of the Gulf of Mexico. The old age’s irrational ideas about the height of the mountains remained valid, when there were still no means by which it could have been measured. Sebastian Münster thought there were mountains twenty kilometers high; it is not surprising when, two hundred years later, the Jesuit Riccioli, whose doctrine was still praised at the beginning of the 18th century, thought that Mont Cenis was four times higher than Mont Blanc and that there were 60 kilometers of hills in the Caucasus. For a time it was thought that the highest hill on earth was in the Urals, and later, after hearing that the hills of Novaya Semlya were even higher, it was thought that the highest hill was there. Jesuit Acosta rightly asserted that next to the hills of the Andes, even the highest peaks of the Pyrenees and the Alps are like rooms next to towers. thought that Mont Cenis was four times higher than Mont Blanc and that there were 60 kilometers of high hills in the Caucasus. For a time it was thought that the highest hill on earth was in the Urals, and later, after hearing that the hills of Novaya Semlya were even higher, it was thought that the highest hill was there. Jesuit Acosta rightly asserted that next to the hills of the Andes, even the highest peaks of the Pyrenees and the Alps are like rooms next to towers. thought that Mont Cenis was four times higher than Mont Blanc and that there were 60 kilometers of high hills in the Caucasus. For a time it was thought that the highest hill on earth was in the Urals, and later, after hearing that the hills of Novaya Semlya were even higher, it was thought that the highest hill was there. Jesuit Acosta rightly asserted that next to the hills of the Andes, even the highest peaks of the Pyrenees and the Alps are like rooms next to towers.

It is even less surprising that the structure of the earth’s crust did not attract the attention of scholars of the time. However, there was one notable exception. Leonardo da Vinci, the greatest genius of the Age of Discovery, a brilliant naturalist and engineer as well as an artist, had come to remarkable conclusions while leading canal works in different parts of Italy. He found fossils of marine plants and shells in the interior of the earth on high mountains and concluded that those mountains had once been the seabed. The sea floor, which had been flat to begin with, had risen, the rivers had furrowed it into furrows, spread the furrows into valleys, and through the action of the running water, the highlands had thus been divided into mountain hills. Those polished round slabs and stones that are on the slopes of the Alps, he thought were the scourge of former flood streams; so far his genius could not carry that he should have invented the effects of the Ice Age in the Alps. He studied river estuaries and showed how in them the fine silt covers coastal plants and the remains of animals, which either petrify in the silt or leave their imprints on it, how the silt accumulates layer upon layer, as can be seen on the slopes of mountains when the rivers have carved valleys into them. Leonardo da Vinci (1452—1519) was probably the only one who expressed such opinions: only two hundred years later these truths became clear to men like Steno and Leibnitz. which in the mud either petrify or leave their imprints on it, how the mud piles up layer upon layer, as can be seen on the slopes of the mountains when the rivers have carved valleys into them. Leonardo da Vinci (1452—1519) was probably the only one who expressed such opinions: only two hundred years later these truths became clear to men like Steno and Leibnitz. which in the mud either petrify or leave their imprints on it, how the mud piles up layer upon layer, as can be seen on the slopes of the mountains when the rivers have carved valleys into them. Leonardo da Vinci (1452—1519) was probably the only one who expressed such opinions: only two hundred years later these truths became clear to men like Steno and Leibnitz.

The volcanoes aroused the curiosity of many researchers. The governor of the Moluccas, Antão Galvão, climbed the volcano of Ternate, in Mexico, one of Cortes’ companions searched for sulfur minerals in the crater of Popocatepetl, and in 1538, a monk allowed himself to be lowered in chains to the “hell” of Nicaragua’s Massaya, right up to the edge of the lava crater; because he mistook the molten substances boiling in the volcano’s glow for noble metals. Even before, the historian Oviedo had been on the brink of “hell”; he then published a description of the volcano. Acosta was the first to distinguish between active and extinct volcanoes; the extinguished ones had, according to his conclusion, gone into hibernation because they had emptied themselves. Sebastian Münster studied the changes that Etna’s cone had undergone since Strabo saw this volcano.

In Peru, the Spanish had plenty of opportunities to learn about earthquakes and their extent. The frequency of earthquakes on the coasts of Peru and Chile was thought to be due to the fact that seawater was able to penetrate through cracks and caves from the interior of the earth and form gases there, which forced their way out.

On his first voyage across the Atlantic, Columbus noticed both the deviation of the compass and the difference in the deviation in different places: however, others think that the deviation was already known before. For a long time, sailors assumed that the deviation was due to the fact that the compasses were incorrectly constructed, as they thought it was unnatural to assume that the compass would not point due north. When the deviation was irrefutably proven and it was shown that it could be either east or west, then an attempt was made to explain that the deviation from the north-south direction at least changes very regularly, so that its magnitude is easy to determine through a simple calculation when the ship’s position is known. But it didn’t take long before this too was noticed as a mistake. The sailors found out that, on the same meridian the deviation could change both from west to due north and even east, and that the lines drawn through equally large deviations ran very irregularly, and by no means in the direction of the meridians. At the end of the sixteenth century, geographers tried to draw maps showing magnetic deviation lines, which today would be very valuable for determining deviation variations, if the map makers had information about the years in which the observations they used were made.

In 1576, an English mechanic, Robert Norman, invented the tilting of a magnetic needle, »inclination», that is, a freely hanging magnet turns upside down almost vertically. The magnitude of this tilt was measured at different places on the earth’s surface. Henry Hudson was the first sailor to carry such a magnet on board. It was noticed that the tilt decreases from the pole towards the equator, and William Gilbert stated in 1593 in London the idea that the whole earth is a magnet, in the direction of which the magnetic force sets the magnetic needle.

Magalhães’ voyage completely revolutionized opinions about the mutual extent relationship of land and sea on the surface of the earth. The Greek scholars had admittedly criticized the water as being many times more compared to the earth, even though it doesn’t appear on Ptolemy’s map, since he didn’t try to describe the back side of the earth. But partly from the words of the Bible, partly for other reasons, the scholars of the Middle Ages and Columbus according to them (II, p. 8) decided that there was much more land than water. This notion persisted even after all the great oceans had already become at least partly known, and Mercator still thought that probably the water and the continent on the surface of the earth kept each other in balance. This balance was achieved by assuming a huge continent around the South Pole, which at each time was drawn to extend somehow so far north,

The depths of the sea were measured in all coastal waters and the depths were marked on the maps. At the same time, the color and nature of the bottom were examined, so that the sailors, taking samples with a sounding weight, could decide from the quality of the bottom if they had gotten too close to the land. Measuring great depths was also prevented by the inadequacy of the machines. All sailors collected accurate information about port times, which were carefully compiled into sailing manuals; the time in port is determined by the time of high water, which varies greatly even on the shores of the same country, depending on the position of the place in relation to the advancing wave and which side the wave is coming from. The variations of the tides according to the positions of the moon and the sun were known. When the moon and the sun happen to be on the same side of the sky or on opposite sides of the earth, i.e. during the new moon and full moon, it is a flood, during the half moon again, when the angle formed by the moon and the sun with the earth is 90°, the fluxes are insufficient, because the wave-raising powers caused by both celestial bodies then cancel each other out. But it was only Kepler who dared to teach that the attraction of the moon (vis tractoria) creates an expansion of the sea in the equatorial regions, which rolls towards both poles, so that all the seas on Earth become part of the wave.

In the same way as the tides, sea currents were also studied in all the seas that were navigated. The Portuguese had already gotten to know the Guinea Current in the previous century, Vasco da Gama discovered the Mozambique Current on his first trip and named Cape Corriente the »peak of the current». In the Strait of Florida, Antonio de Alaminos in 1513 became acquainted with the Gulf Stream, and in the first half of the century we already learned to know the »Atlantic Current», which still carries the waters of the Gulf Stream to the northern parts of the Atlantic Ocean. The cold current, which comes from the south and travels north towards the west coast of South America, is already mentioned in sailing guides of the sixteenth century. There were no attempts to explain the causes of sea currents. Leonardo da Vinci thought that water flows from the equatorial regions towards the north because of it, that in the regions of the equator it warms more and expands, which is why its surface would rise, if the currents did not carry too much water towards the poles. Of course, this was the right conclusion, but in reality the reasons are different; if Leonardo da Vinci had seen a wind map in front of him, he would have noticed on the spot that the directions of sea currents are almost the same as the major wind systems on Earth, and I think he would have also realized that winds are the real driving forces of sea currents.

There were no thermometers to measure the thermal conditions of different countries yet – the first thermometer was built by Galileo in 1612, but many fundamental facts about the thermal conditions of different regions were already noticed, such as, for example, that the east coast of North America is much colder compared to the temperatures of the corresponding latitudes of Europe. Historian Barros concluded that the coolness of the southern parts of South America was due to the fact that there was an open sea of ​​ice on the south pole side. against whose cold winds the coast of Patagonia was quite unprotected. It was more and more clearly stated that the air cools from its cooling when we ascend from the plains to the mountains, and Peter Martyr, a contemporary of Columbus, concluded that the snow line was higher in the equatorial regions than in Spain, and that the mountains that were covered with eternal snow in the tropics were therefore unusually high.

Of the major wind systems on Earth, only the monsoons of the Indian Ocean were known already in ancient times. While exploring the northwest coast of Africa, the Portuguese first got to know the northeast trade, then the troughs of the equator, and the south-east trade south of the equator, although they could not yet form a correct idea of ​​the extent of the trades on this route. Columbus got a better understanding of the northeast pass on his first voyage. The Spanish called these winds “crises”; They got the name pasades from the Dutch. Somehow at the same time it was noticed that westerly winds prevailed in the Atlantic on the polar sides of both trades, and even the earliest West Indian sailors took advantage of these to get a fair wind back to the shores of Europe. In the Pacific, as we have seen before, many vain attempts to get from the Philippines back to Mexico, before Urdaneta went in search of the northern parts of the Pacific for a system of westerly winds similar to that known to prevail in the Atlantic, and through it really found the only route which the ill-fated men of that time could sail across the sea from west to east. In the East Indies, the Portuguese got to know the real monsoons, the directions of which vary a lot depending on which side of the great continent of Asia they are on. The land and sea breeze, which on many coasts varies by night and day, was also a familiar phenomenon and its cause was also known. which the bad creators of that time could sail across the sea from west to east. In the East Indies, the Portuguese got to know the real monsoons, the directions of which vary a lot depending on which side of the great continent of Asia they are on. The land and sea breeze, which on many coasts varies by night and day, was also a familiar phenomenon and its cause was also known. which the bad creators of that time could sail across the sea from west to east. In the East Indies, the Portuguese got to know the real monsoons, the directions of which vary a lot depending on which side of the great continent of Asia they are on. The land and sea breeze, which on many coasts varies by night and day, was also a familiar phenomenon and its cause was also known.

But the reasons for the Earth’s permanent wind systems were not yet understood. Others thought that the trade winds were caused by the fact that the sky, the »firmament», as it revolved around the earth, pulled air along with it. Only Varennius in the middle of the seventeenth century clarified the true causes of the trade winds.

After settling permanently in the New World and India, the Europeans got to know the dry and wet seasons, which in India depended on the direction of the seasonal winds. In tropical America, on the other hand, they mostly seemed to be connected with the height of the sun. The lack of rain on the coast of Peru immediately attracted the attention of the first Spaniards, but the explanation of this phenomenon was still too difficult for the natural science of that time. Columbus mentions dense forest growth as contributing to rainfall; The Portuguese had destroyed the forests of the Azores, the Canary Islands and Madeira, and the decrease in rainfall had also been a result of that. However, the amount of rain has not yet been measured, only rough observations were satisfied.

When ascending Etna, Cardinal Bembo made observations about the altitude zones of the flora, how below the highest snow cap there was a treeless zone, below it a zone of conifers and even lower a circle of beech and oak forests. The Jesuit Acosta distinguished vegetation zones of different altitudes in Mexico, the hot coastal zone (tierra caliente), the temperate highlands (tierra templada or tierra de mediana altura) and the cold mountain zone, where only livestock was possible on the steppes. But otherwise, the more general observations concerning both the fauna and flora were still rare, even though we got to know a very large abundance of species.

Dividing humanity into races was still foreign to this era, but the Spanish and Dutch sailors, for example, described the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean so carefully that it is clear from their descriptions when they are talking about Polynesians, when they are talking about Papuans. When dark-skinned and black-haired people were found even in the far north inhabited by the Eskimos in the New World, the assurance of the Old and Middle Ages that people’s skin became lighter towards the north was found to be untrue. When humanity had not yet been divided into races, it was difficult to find out tribal relationships with people groups. It was not until the beginning of the 17th century that the peoples of Europe were divided into Germans, Roma and Slavs. Travelers usually focused their attention primarily on the agriculture, industry, and arts of foreign nations. family conditions, form of government, customs, laws and religion. But no estimates of e.g. the frequency of settlement were obtained. It was not until the next century that a change took place here as well.

OLAUS MAGNUS.
From Olaus Magnus’s map and geography work, his contemporaries got the first detailed and mostly even more correct understanding of the Nordic countries and peoples; for the rest of the world, they are valuable as source works, which, despite many mistakes and misconceptions, shed a lot of light on the conditions of the Nordic countries, which were so long unknown, although they did appear effectively in history, at the beginning of the New Age.

The life stages of Olaus Magnus.

Olaus Magnus Gothus — the addition Gothus was given by him and used regularly — was born in Linköping in 1490 and was two years younger than his brother, Johannes Magnus, Archbishop of Uppsala. They were children of the age of adolescence and subject to its hard fates; their attachment to the Catholic religion in which they had been brought up compelled them to spend the rest of their lives in a far away foreign land, and there in exile to produce the works by which they won a place of honor in the history of science of their fatherland.

Olaus attended Vesterås cathedral school, then went to Germany and stayed at the universities there from 1510 to 1517 to continue his studies; after returning from abroad, he was a canon in Uppsala and Linköping. In 1518, the papal envoy Arcimboldus sent him to the northern parts of Scandinavia, perhaps to collect money for the pope and to sell gifts, and, according to his own statement, to fight against the Lutheran heresy, which was already rampant in the northern parts of the peninsula. The trip became much more important than its actual purpose through the fact that this man of reactionary spirit got to know the more remote parts of Sweden and Norway, he even visited the area of ​​Finnish settlement and thus gained a burning hobby and a lot of perspectives and information for writing his great work. He was not satisfied with letting go of sins and preaching against the new faith,

There were no roads in northern Sweden, so you had to travel on horseback, carrying goods either on horseback or pulled by sleigh, but many places could also be traveled by boat. Olaus says that he used haapii (haapar), which were long, assembled without nails and very light ships. He says, among other things, about one of his river journeys: — — »And to that amount of frail wooden sledges I had to trust my life and my success when I was running general errands; and the journey was all the more horrible, as on the shores there were more signs that the force of the water had already brought death to many people.»

Olaus then went across the fells in Norway. He vividly describes the trip in the mountains. In Norway, where he stayed in 1518-1519, he made a sea voyage and saw ambergris being collected. From the inhabitants of the coast of Norway, he said, he had heard many stories of sea-serpents and other gods; besides, he acquired information about winter fishing on the coast, whaling, making trane and salt, etc. After returning to Sweden, he continued his journey towards the north and arrived in Tornio in 1519 at midsummer, where he saw salmon fishing and a large trade in the locality. He says that merchants came there from beyond the Russian border, who carried their boats on their shoulders across the straits. He also saw Lapps and Finns there. From Tornio, whose latitude he declares to be 82°, according to his estimate, he still traveled four degrees further north and thus perhaps went as far as Pello, which is what is meant by the name “Pele” on his map. The journey probably took place by boat along the Tornio river. In the fall of 1519, Olaus returned to Uppsala from his long journey. He himself claimed to have traveled 4,860 Italian penicula (almost 9,000) kilometers with it, but of course this was a huge exaggeration.

There were troubled times in Sweden. 1520 Olaus saw the Stockholm massacre. After Kustaa Vaasa ascended the throne, new bishops were appointed instead of those killed in the massacre — Johannes Magnus, among other things, as the archbishop of Uppsala — and Olaus was sent to Rome in 1524 to obtain the Pope’s confirmation of these appointments. He didn’t return to Sweden that way.

In the following years, he traveled widely in European countries, and these trips greatly expanded his geographical perspective and knowledge. King Kustaa Vaasa gave him several government actions, the most important of which was discussing a trade union with Holland. Then he went to Poland to negotiate a marriage between King Gustav and the daughter of Sigismund I, King of Poland: on this trip (in 1528) he visited the Bochnia and Vielicza salt mines, among other things. But when the religious reformation took place in Sweden around the same time and in 1530 Olaus’ entire property was confiscated and he was deprived of all ecclesiastical activities in Sweden, he lost both his land and his livelihood in one fell swoop. Olaus, as well as his brother Johannes, were accused of inciting the return of Catholicism to Sweden,

After this, the brothers stayed mostly in Germany and Italy. In 1537, they traveled to Italy for a church council, but nothing came of it. The following year they stayed in Venice as guests of the local patriarch. This visit to the city, where making maps and geographical hobbies were in such high regard in the past, was extremely important for Olaus’s literary endeavors. There he produced his large sea map, Carta Marina, which was published by the patriarch in 1539. Johannes Magnus finished writing both of his historical works in Venice, which, however, were not published until after his death.

From Venice, the Magnus brothers traveled to Rome in 1541; Johannes was so ill that he could hardly make the trip. Already in 1544 he died in Rome and Olaus was appointed after his brother as the archbishop of Uppsala, because the pope still appointed bishops in Sweden, as well as in other countries lost to unbelief, even though these appointments were only ecclesiastical titles without a corresponding income and sphere of influence. V. 1545 Olaus was at the Council of Trident, where, among other things, he met Count Juhana of Hoja, his old acquaintance. For the rest of his life he lived in Rome in literary activities, writing his biography there. He published both of his brother’s historical works and in 1554 his own famous work Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus (A story about the peoples of the North). Olaus Magnus died in Rome in 1557.

Carta marina.

Olaus Magnus’ large map of the Nordic countries, published in Venice in 1539, was missing for more than three hundred years, but was found in the Munich city library in the 1880s. It is 170 cm. tall and 125 cm. wide and printed on wood. The printing was commissioned by the Patriarch of Venice and, according to Olaus’ information, he paid 440 ducats, which is not surprising when the map is drawn full of artistic images. Olaus said that he had prepared the map in order to see how much of the Christian world has separated from the Catholic Church; but at the same time he also had a scientific goal, he wanted to improve Ptolemy’s cosmography so that its image of the Nordic countries would better correspond to reality.

When we remember how false and empty the maps of Olaus’ predecessors were, we must admit that he really kept what he promised; his map is a huge step up from the previous ones.

Its weakest point is the mathematical foundation, the grid of degrees. Olaus Magnus had more vague ideas about the geographical position and dimensions of the Scandinavian countries than his closest predecessor, Ziegler. On Olaus’s map, there is only one correct latitude: the Elbe estuary. Ziegler calculated from the length of the days that the coast of Ruija was between the 70th and 71st degrees of latitude, and he was right; but Olaus Magnus assures that the length of a summer day in Ruija is six months and according to that he determines the latitude of the northern coast of Scandinavia to be 90°, so he thought that the Nordkap was somehow at the steps of the North Pole, a mistake many earlier mapmakers had already made. From this, you can guess that the other width definitions on the map are wrong throughout, and that may have been the reason, that Olaus Magnus thought that when he visited Tornio, he had traveled such incredible distances. The latitude of Kalmar on his map is 58° 30′. Uppsala 64° 30′. Vyborg 76°. The grid is rectangular. But even though the map has a grid of degrees, the map is not based on astronomical location determination, but, just like portolanos, on compass direction indications. This is the reason for some of the most noticeable errors on the map. When it was drawn up, the deviation of the compass was not taken into account, but it was drawn throughout with the condition that the compass points directly to the north, and the result was that the features of the lands and seas on the map were distorted into shape. In a large part of Europe at that time there was an east deviation, on the east coast of Sweden it must have been about 10°—15°, in 1600 only 5°. In central Finland, the compass needle currently shows about 3° west deviation, on the west coast of Sweden about 8° west deviation (in the eastern parts of our country, the deviation is also east today). If the deviation has changed in the same proportions in our country as in Sweden, the eastern deviation of the Helsinki regions was 20°—25° in the early part of the 16th century. When the map was drawn up according to such compass indications without taking the deviation into account, of course the directions of the shore changed to other than they are in reality. That explains why the longitudinal direction of the Scandinavian peninsula on Olaus Magnus’s map is almost north-south and why the Gulf of Finland sticks so steeply towards the northeast. If the deviation has changed in the same proportions in our country as in Sweden, the eastern deviation of the Helsinki regions was 20°—25° in the early part of the 16th century. When the map was drawn up according to such compass indications without taking the deviation into account, of course the directions of the shore changed to other than they are in reality. That explains why the longitudinal direction of the Scandinavian peninsula on Olaus Magnus’s map is almost north-south and why the Gulf of Finland sticks so steeply towards the northeast. If the deviation has changed in the same proportions in our country as in Sweden, the eastern deviation of the Helsinki regions was 20°—25° in the early part of the 16th century. When the map was drawn up according to such compass indications without taking the deviation into account, of course the directions of the shore changed to other than they are in reality. That explains why the longitudinal direction of the Scandinavian peninsula on Olaus Magnus’s map is almost north-south and why the Gulf of Finland sticks so steeply towards the northeast.

The most important sources of »Carta marina« have been the sailing instructions drawn up in the 15th and 16th centuries; this explains both the fact that the deviation of the compass has so greatly affected the map, as well as the exact drawing of the coast. An old nautical chart from the Gulf of Finland, for example, has been preserved, which strangely matches Olaus Magnus’ map. When these sailing guides did not extend further than the seashores, it was necessary to draw inland regions according to Olaus Magnus’s oral information and travelogues. Naturally, such information was very confusing, which is why especially remote regions, such as Lapland, the Suomen peninsula and Viena Karelia, are described somehow indiscriminately. In the presentation of the Scandinavian countries, he had a lot of help from his own travel observations. Other sources he had were the Danish Chronicle of Saxo Grammaticus, which probably contains information about the »skiing Lappans», i.e. the »skridfinns» and the Bjarmes. Claudius Clavus’s map may have been known to Olaus, but he got much more help from Ziegler. both from this map and from the written work — thus detours to his brother’s information. In addition to all these materials, he had collected all kinds of legends and fabled information, both from street talk and older literature; the Brandanus legend, already familiar to us, has also been remembered. All such material is presented with pictures; but the majority of the images on the map concern more serious substances, natural products, livelihoods, trade relations and state conditions. The images were to the greatest extent able to clarify the world’s perceptions of the remote, little-known countries that Olaus Magnus’s large map covered. In the left corner of the Alinna map, there is a Latin explanation, which briefly tells about the content of the map according to the letters, the opposite letters of which are on the map itself. Among other things, the explanation tells about the practicality of reindeer, skiing and hunting in Lapland and Ruija, battles between wolves and moose on the border between Sweden and Norway, the lifestyle of the beaver, the conditions in Finland, trade of Muscovites, boat building and digging, and much more.

Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus.

Olaus Magnus dedicated his great work of geography »The Narrative of the Nordic Peoples» to Cologne Archbishop Adolf af Schauenherg, whom he had met at the Council of Trident and who at that time had asked a lot about the Nordic countries and peoples, about which so little was known abroad. From that day, says Olaus Magnus, he decided to try to collect in a book everything the cardinal wanted to know, and to dedicate this work to him. But probably crediting the cardinal with the creation of the piece was just a courtesy. because in the preface of the work, the author says that he had been preparing it for many years, and in an earlier work he states that he started writing his “History” already in 1539. Mostly it is based on literary authors in whom he firmly believes; only in the presentation of local affairs has he relied on the information of similar persons who know them better. Among the authors Olaus lists are Procopius, Jordanes. Paulus Diaconus, Saxo Grammaticus, Franciscus Irenicus, Albert Krantzius and Johannes Magnus. »Let the reader not be offended», he says, »that in this book a lot has been taken from the statements of others, because in my opinion it is safer to present opinions that have long been accepted in the past, than to express one’s own opinion superficially and without support about the difficult-to-solve secrets of nature.» Although his powers are small, he still thinks his description of the cold and distant Northland is good and meritorious. Regarding the history of Pohjola, he recommends obtaining information from his brother’s history book: his own intention has been to describe the countries and peoples of the North in more detail, the outlines of which were presented in the map he published in 1539. The work is divided into 22 books and 778 chapters. One of the books is especially dedicated to geography, but the first, third and fourth also contain a lot of geographical information, as well as the last five, which deal with the animal kingdom of Pohjola. The third and fourth books contain fascinating ethnographic descriptions, e.g. of the Laplanders. From the sixth to the sixteenth book, the work primarily describes the Swedish people and their cultural conditions. The whole of the Fifth Book, which deals with the giants and Amazons, and a large part of the Sixteenth, are somehow worthless from a geographical-ethnographic point of view. Almost every chapter starts with a decorated initial letter and 465 chapters are decorated with woodcut pictures. Olaus Magnus says that he himself considered illustration to be very important, and many of the pictures have great ethnological and cultural historical significance. The pictures are largely the same as in »Carta marina»; however, others have been changed somewhat. There is no information about who originally drew these pictures; it is possible that the draftsman was Olaus Magnus himself, because the pictures showing the northern parts of Scandinavia show quite a familiarity with the conditions, which the Italian woodcutter probably would not have had without decent initial pictures. The pictures are largely the same as in »Carta marina»; however, others have been changed somewhat. There is no information about who originally drew these pictures; it is possible that the draftsman was Olaus Magnus himself, because the pictures showing the northern parts of Scandinavia show quite a familiarity with the conditions, which the Italian woodcutter probably would not have had without decent initial pictures. The pictures are largely the same as in »Carta marina»; however, others have been changed somewhat. There is no information about who originally drew these pictures; it is possible that the draftsman was Olaus Magnus himself, because the pictures showing the northern parts of Scandinavia show quite a familiarity with the conditions, which the Italian woodcutter probably would not have had without decent initial pictures.

»Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus» is not a whole molded into a unified form, but the material seems to have grown overwhelming for the writer, so that a large part of his notes got into the work as it is, without any connection.

Olaus Magnus used classical and medieval authors as his sources, and what else would he have had besides his own observations and information. He understood the nature and causes of winds according to Aristotle, he had Ptolemy as his teacher in mathematical geography. Of the Greek and Roman geographers, he especially used Strabo, Caesar, Mela, Tacitus, Seneca, Plinius and Solmus: from the earliest period of the Middle Ages, Paulus Orosius and Isidorus Hispalensis, and Procopius, Jordanes and Paulus Diaconus. From a Lombard historian, among other things, he received the legend of the “seven sleeps”, and placed them, according to his author, in the vicinity of the country of the “Scritofins”. Adam from Bremen is unknown to Olaus Magnus, but he has received more information from Saxo Grammaticus, especially about the old heroes and giants of the North. Of the scholastics, Albertus Magnus and Vicentius of Beauvais have been Olaus’ informants, and of the Renaissance scientists, among others, Pietari Martyr and the Italian Paulus Jovius, who somehow published a detailed geography of Russia based on the information he received from Russian diplomats in Rome. The Polish historian Mechovius was another author providing information on Eastern European affairs; both of these authors already knew that the Rhiphaean mountains did not exist. Among the newer German authors, Olaus Magnus used especially Franciscus Irenicus, Jaakko Ziegler and Albert Krantzius. The first mentioned had published a large compilation about Germany, which, however, does not contain many things from the North. On the other hand, Olaus has received a lot of help from Ziegler; among other things are the descriptions of the Lappans borrowed from him. Krantzius, on the other hand, had used a lot of the work of Adam of Bremen for one of his works, without mentioning the source, and from that Olaus yörtetei got information about Adam too, although this author’s own works seem to have been unknown to him.

Olaus Magnus’s »History» was published in several editions, both complete and abridged, and was translated into many languages, including French, Italian, Dutch, German and English. From such a wide spread, you can guess that it was read a lot and that it therefore most effectively disseminated information about the Scandinavian countries, to which the world’s attention began to focus more and more due to political reasons.

Next, we will examine the contents of his maps and geography works, primarily their information about Finland. Olaus did not know our country as he saw it, except for the Tornio valley, but he had to rely entirely on authors and hearsay. So it’s not surprising that the presentation is full of mistakes and lacking, but even so, it was progress and worthy of drawing attention to our country.

The sea of ​​Ruija.

In Olaus Magnus’ map from 1539, there is an open sea north of Scandinavia. In this respect, he therefore did not follow those of his contemporaries who drew Greenland together with Ruija. It is possible that Olaus Magnus himself, on his own expeditions, learned of this open sea; but in addition, Paulus Jovius asserted in his work that there was an open sea to the north of both Scandinavia and Russia, which could be sailed even as far as China. On the other hand, Olaus drew the White Sea, whose connection with the Arctic Ocean was well known to e.g. Saxo Grammaticus, as a lake ( Lacus albus). »Dumbshaf», which earlier referred to the northernmost part of the Atlantic Ocean, the Norsemen’s »Trollabotnia», has also turned into a lake on Olaus’s map, which is connected through a strait to the Arctic Ocean, his »Scythian Sea»; probably Olaus Dumbshavillaan» meant the Varang fjord, where he wrote the name — unless it was a rumor about Lake Inari. He draws the sea to the north and west of Scandinavia full of countless whales and other sea monsters, and the fish Jasconius (I, p. 203) is not missing from the group. Olaus Magnus thinks that the abundance of whales is due to the immense depth of the sea; there were so many and so large that the movement of ships was difficult and dangerous because of them. A Danish ship can be seen in the sea outside Iceland, which is turned upside down by a whale. On the south side of Iceland, on the other hand, a ship from Lübeck has been drawn, whose people try to scare the whales by blowing their horns and throwing empty barrels into the sea. He knows many kinds of whales: “Balaena,” the largest of all, is 100 to 300 feet long; it is harassed by the smaller »Orca», which tears the fat from its sides. On an impossibly large whale he drew the head of a horse and said it was the same species that Nearchus scared away in the Indian sea with the sound of his horns and noise (I, p. 102). Besides, he mentions the swordfish, the horn whale, the sawfish, the dolphins and the “great porpoise”. Otherwise, the sea monster he describes may have meant a polyp; In 1520, the archbishop of Trondhjem had sent the head of a similar sea monster to the Pope. On the west coast of Norway, a large sea serpent can be seen on the map, and on the west side of Heligolland, a similar one is drawn on the beach swallowing a ship.

Greenland.

In the top corner of »Carta marina» Olaus Magnus has drawn a piece of Greenland, which he calls »Gruntlandia». His information about Greenland is based on both older information from the Northmen and more recent information acquired in the sixteenth century. Olaus Magnus describes Greenland’s dangerous beaches, its inhabitants and the sea current, which, following its eastern shore, travels south from the Arctic Ocean, carrying driftwood, shipwrecks and dead people with it. But he doesn’t seem to have heard of the land glacier, but thought there were large forests in the interior of Greenland. About the Eskimos, he somehow makes it clear, calling them “pygmies” according to some earlier writers. These are probably Eskimo descriptions as observed by sixteenth century sailors. He says the people of Gruntland built their huts out of whale bones, which were carefully covered with moss and heather; ruins of a similar building model have been found in the northern parts of East Greenland. But he knew some of Greenland’s older history as well, and this knowledge undoubtedly came from Nordic sources.

Iceland.

Iceland became known early in literature, both through Saxo Grammaticus and others. They wrote about its volcanoes, whose glow was thought to contain purgatory, hot springs, river beds, climatic conditions and the quality of life of the population. Olaus Magnus doesn’t have much to add to this, he tells about the island what he has gleaned from literature, but regarding the name he has a different opinion than most of his authors. He does not think of Iceland as Thuule, but says that Thuule is a small island between the Orkney Islands and the Faroe Islands. He seems to have acquired most of his information about the Faroe Islands from a sailing guide.

Scandinavia.

Scandinavia on Olaus Magnus’s map extends northward all the way to the poles, but even though its length is thus exaggerated, he nevertheless has a more accurate idea of ​​its surface area. He declares that the Nordic countries, where he banishes Sweden, Norway and Finland, are larger in scope than Italy, Spain and Gaul combined. The comparison is somewhat lame, but not very much. The northern part of the Norwegian coast is described as somehow intact, lacking bays and fjords, but at the point where it bends towards the southwest, it has acquired a different character in »Carta marina«; fjords and bays alternate with island groups, especially in the Lofoten regions; further south, the beach again becomes more rugged. Trondhjem fjord is described as a lake from where the river leads to the sea, although it was almost correctly represented on Ziegler’s map. During his stay in Norway, Olaus Magnus seems to have received information about bird mountains and in his historical work he states that they exist all the way to the poles and that large flocks of birds gather there to nest and lay eggs. The dangerous sea currents of the Lofoten archipelago had long been known; Olaus Magnus borrowed their description from Ziegler.

He tells about the immense depth of the sea west of Norway; this, of course, had attracted the attention of all those seafarers who had only sailed the shallow lower reaches of the Baltic and North Seas. On the map, a man is depicted piloting, and the explanation states that in many other places such immense depths have been encountered that the bottom cannot be reached with a plumb line. He calls the North Sea the “Western Sea” or the “Germanic Sea”; the former designation is from the beach dwellers, the latter inherited from the Romans. Skagerrack and Kattegat are depicted quite randomly in Olaus Magnus’s map, much more correctly than in Ziegler.

Based on his own experience, Olaus Magnus had quite good information about the Baltic Sea. Adam of Bremen had given it the name “Mare Balticum”. [The name «Baltic Sea» probably derives from the Latin word balteus, belt (Belt) and must have initially referred to the many straits, »Belts», which lead from the North Sea to the Baltic Sea.] The same name was then used by Saxo Grammaticus as well. and the Skagerrack and Kattega were also counted as part of the Baltic Sea. Claudius Clavus used the name only for the Kattegat and the southeastern part of the Baltic Sea. and according to him the name was also placed by many later maps, such as the Ptolemaic editions in the early 16th century; the other part of the Baltic Sea between Sweden and Germany was »Sabulosus pontus», »Sarmaticum mare» or »Germanicum mare». The name “Baltic Sea” then went further west until it finally encompassed the entire Baltic Sea. Olaus Magnus does not use a common name for the Baltic Sea in his map, but in his historical work »Baltic Sea» he seems to mean the Baltic Sea as a whole, or at least the main part of it. Skagerrack is on his map »Mare Cimbricum» and the sea between southern Sweden and Germany »Mare Germanicum». The name of the southern part of the Baltic Sea on the map is »Germanine sea», i.e. »Sarmatian sea». In the Ptolemaic editions, the “Germanic Sea” meant both the North Sea and the Baltic Sea, since they are north of Germany, and the English have retained this name for the North Sea to this day. The Swedish name for the Baltic Sea (and the Finnish one translated from it) is undoubtedly of ancient Scandinavian origin, although it has not yet reached its rights in Olaus Magnus’s work either,

On the southern coast of Sweden, »Carta marina» does not show the bay between Blekinge and Skåne, but somehow at the right point the coast slopes towards the north. Öland is drawn in its place close to the Swedish shore, Gotland farther out to sea. Olaus Magnus calls Rantameren the »Gothic sea» and the »Swedish sea», with the former referring to its southern part, with the latter the northern part up to Merenkurkku, where the name »Mare Bothnicum» (Bothnian sea, i.e. the Bay of the Bottom) begins. On Ziegler’s map, the name of the Gulf of Bothnia was »Sinus Finnonicus (sive) Sueticus». In Olaus Magnus’s time, sea names in literature were still quite wedding-themed. According to his own observations, he knew the Bay of Pohjanlahti the best and could therefore improve Ziegler’s map, which was the best until then, quite a bit.

Kööl’s designation for the mountain range that is the backbone of the Scandinavian peninsula is ancient, but this designation was unknown in older map literature, and Olaus Magnus’s map is no exception; the mountain range itself was drawn in place. But the name »Dovrefjell» for Norway’s most magnificent part of this backbone entered the literature early on; it originated from a village in the Gudbrand valley called Dofrar, where the road crossed the mountain range. The designation is already found in maps printed at the beginning of the fifteenth century (1427). In Olaus Magnus’s map, as well as in Ziegler’s, a mountain range runs across the entire Scandinavian peninsula from north to south, and he gave this whole mountain range the name of Dovrefjeld (Alpes Doffrini). He divided the mountain range into five parts separated by passes. The first section extends to the Luleja lake, which is in the middle of the “Mountains of Lapland” (Montes Lapponiae). From there, people from Lapland with their reindeer (who are pulling wheeled carts in the picture) and people from Kain to sell their goods passed through the pass to Norway. On the Norwegian side, you can also see the tents of the pirates. The third chapter ends with Skarsa and Sula fells, across which Olaus Magnus went to Norway; he says these fells are so high that there are hardly any equals in all of Europe. Olaus Magnus says that on the road across the fells, there were roads dug into the mountain wall in the worst places and hanging wooden bridges on the Norwegian side, which often broke under the influence of natural forces, so that my passengers had to wait until the residents had repaired them. But the journey across the mountains was quite dangerous.

Olaus Magnus was closer to medieval belief in miracles than to the pursuit of natural truth favored by the Renaissance. He liked to see even in simple natural phenomena something incomprehensible, different from everyday life, and that must have been the reason why the water bodies on his map are shown so arbitrarily. He allows the rivers to divide into many main branches, to mix with each other, many rivers to leave the same lake in different directions, so that it is very difficult to decide which river is meant by each one on his map. The river Tornio starts from a small lake in Finland’s Maanselta and discharges its two mouths into the Gulf of Pohja; on the »tower-island» between these branches ( turrita Insula) was the city of Tornio. On the west side of Torniojoki, there is a river that splits into two branches, Chalis-joki, which means Kainuujoki, although the branching is arbitrary. Southwest of that is a huge lake, which Olaus Magnus calls »Lake of Lulea». On his journey, he had probably heard first about the Hornafva-Uddajaur-Storafva lake group and then further north about the Suure Luulaja ridge, thought they were the same lake and accordingly drew a lake about 550 kilometers long and 220 wide in the fell areas. From this large lake, he drew five tributaries, of which the Luulaja river, the Piitimen river and the Skellefte river are known. To the south of the Luleja lake is the Umeå lake, quite a large one too, and he has drawn two rivers starting from it, the Umeåjajoki and the Angermanjoki, which are connected to each other by a branch.

The large lakes of central Sweden were depicted on maps early on. In Dulcert’s portolano from 1339, Venern is »lacus Scarcae (Lake Scara) and Vettern is »fluvius Vettur». Mälari is »lacus Stocol» (Stockholm lake). Ziegler already names the lakes by their current names. Olaus Magnus’s information is naturally the most abundant of the whole group. He drew Venern somehow as wide as it really is, with 24 great rivers flowing into it from the mountains of Norway; this figure is correct, but only Klarälfven. which Olaus does not name, is large. From Venern, he only draws one descent channel called “Trolhetta”, he says it roars so loudly that the sound can be heard 37 kilometers away. Olaus Magnus said that Venus had only one landing-pass because it was surrounded by such high mountains, of whom he mentions Kindakulle (Kinnekulle) admiringly. The length and width of Vetternink are somewhat correct on the map. He said that when the ice leaves the bottom of the lake, there is a roaring sound and the ice cracks and breaks at the same time. There is some truth in these observations, Vettern really is a lake of sudden storms, fogs and electrical phenomena. Just like Ziegler, Olaus Magnus also allows Vettern to discharge its water into the Baltic Sea through the Motala stream. From Jelmer (Hjalmar) he drew two landing channels to the Baltic Sea, even though the water of this lake runs into Mälar. On Mälar, oddly enough, he thought there were three descent routes, even though it was so close, one to Mörkölahti past Södertelje, one past Stockholm, and one north of it. Olaus Magnus also takes Småland’s plateau into account, but that part of Kööl,

Climate.

When talking about the atmosphere of the Nordic countries, Olaus Magnus first of all describes the lightness of a summer night in different parts of the country, thinking that in “Biarmia”, which according to his understanding was the northern part of Scandinavia, there was day for half the year and night for the other half, so there was one full day a year, but the night was also quite bright, because the sun did not set until 23° below the horizon; this theoretical conclusion about the polar day was borrowed by Olaus Magnus from Sacrobosco. Scholars of the Middle Ages thought that the air at the North Pole condenses into thick fog, because the oblique rays of the sun are unable to dispel the vapors rising from the water. Olaus Magnus mentions this notion, but also the older one of Pliny and Solinus, according to which the poles were supposed to be unbearably hot because of the constant sunshine. He thinks both are wrong, the reality between these opposing perceptions; at least in Finmark the air was always cold and clear.

The frosts in the Nordic countries are, says Olaus Magnus, extremely severe, the Nordic countries are colder than all other countries. The reason for this, in his opinion, is the shortness of the sun’s orbit and the slant of its rays in winter, secondly, the fact that the Nordic countries are Otavain, the coldest under the star garden, and thirdly, the fact that they are by the sea, which creates terrible coldness when the sun’s rays are unable to penetrate it . Olaus Magnus, who borrowed this concept from Albertus Magnus, could not have guessed that the Atlantic sea, on the contrary, condenses the average temperature of the year, even though it seems to cool the summer temperature. He says that the frosts in Pohjola are sometimes so hard that the wolves’ eyes froze, the stakes came loose from the walls and doors, and the clay and glass vessels cracked. According to Krantzius, he mentions a few very hard winters. In 1323 ice had been transported from Lübeck to Denmark and Prussia, in 1399 from Lübeck to Stralsund and from there to Denmark, in 1423 from Danzig to Lübeck by horse and from Mecklenburg to Denmark; in harsh winters, it was customary to build inns on the ice, which he has drawn several of on his map. In »Carta marina», the entire Gulf of Finland is frozen, including Merenkukku, and you drive across it on reindeer to Sweden.

Olaus Magnus could not accept the doctrine of more recent authors that winds are movements of the atmosphere, but still supported Aristotle’s idea that they arise through vaporous evaporation rising from the earth. He defines the nature of the main winds, the south wind as warm and moist, the north wind as cold and dry, the east winds as mild, the west winds as highly variable in terms of both heat and humidity. In the Gothic, or Swedish Sea, every year strong northwest and southwest winds blew, which caused many shipwrecks, changed the beaches and even tore the roofs off the houses, putting people in great danger. Even stronger were the south-westerly winds on the west coast of the Scandinavian peninsula; due to their hardness, neither the forest nor the grain prospered on the west coast of Norway, so food had to be cooked there with fish bones.

Speaking about the rain, Olaus Magnus said that it snowed so much that it was not always possible to even know a friend. who met on the street. The snow flattened the trees in the forests, so that the roads were often blocked. There were thunderstorms, especially in the south, because frequent vapors rose from the fertile regions. When the vapor enters colder regions as moisture, its different parts condense, creating rain and hail (also snow and fog). When the heat is compressed and the cloud walls cannot expand due to freezing, the clouds break violently and the rumbling that is called thunder is created. Of course, it is useless to expect a more detailed account of the amount of rainfall in different parts of the country and its distribution in different seasons from the meteorologist of that time; only about Finmark he says that rain there is very rare in the summer.

Flora.

Olaus Magnus says little about Scandinavia’s vegetation. However, he mentions the most important trees and their practice. Birch grew all the way to the shores of the Scythian Sea, although it was stunted there due to the fierceness of the storms. He states the growth limit of the oak in Sweden somehow correctly, but does not know that in Norway it descends all the way to the Trondhjem fjord. But his information about the growth limit of beech was wrong, because it does not thrive in the north as well as oak. He also mentions the most common fruit trees and cereals.

Fauna.

He devoted more attention to the animal kingdom, describing it in six books. In his opinion, the fauna of Pohjola was quite abundant and varied. He first mentions the elk as the characteristic animal of the North: large herds of it roamed the wilderness all the way to Västerbotten, where »Carta marina» describes a fight between elk and wolves on the ice of Lake Umeå. Deer were chased with large dogs, or killed with some kind of trap spears or trap arrows, he has described one or the other gear in his history. He lists several other species of the elk family and the deer. Among the predators, he first mentions the bear and its catch. He says there were so many wolves that in the winter whole flocks attack travelers and they have to defend themselves with arrows and »bombards». Because of the wolves, no one dared to go to church unarmed. Wolves were caught with pits or shot with arrows, or scythes were tied to rags, with which the wolves cut themselves. In the Alps of Dovre there were white wolves, who roamed the fells and valleys in large packs; these white wolves probably meant the polecat, i.e. the polecat (( Canis lagopus ). Lynxes were not as abundant as wolves. Olaus Magnus borrowed the description of the wolverine from a writer who had described the same animal in Lithuania and Moscovia. This is followed by a list of smaller game, game and fur animals. Foxes were black, white, red, spotted and blue. There were plenty of beavers in the northern waters. The birds, both land and waterfowl, are listed with equal detail, and among the insects, the mosquito, which was abundant in the North; they had also teased Olaus Magnus himself a lot during his travels. The reason for the enormous number of insects in Lapland was thought to be that there were no cicadas or other winged animals that destroy insects.

When talking about horses, Olaus Magnus says that the horse of West Götaland was used as a war horse and could not be taken out of the country. The Norwegian horse was of medium stock, but exceptionally strong and durable on fells and difficult roads; and the Finnish horse was also of good quality. Finland’s hornbill was almost no match for Sweden’s best. In the northern parts, there were mostly short-headed cattle. Gotland had the best sheep. Just as common as the sheep was the goat, which was more abundant in the Nordic countries than anywhere else due to the good mountain pastures. The domestic animal of the Lapps was a reindeer, which Olaus Magnus thought had three horns.

Callus.

We won’t go into Olaus Magnus’s presentation about Denmark and Norway, because it would take too far, for example, the information he gives contains a lot of attention-grabbing information. As a Swede, Olaus Magnus, on every occasion, gives a very bad value statement about the Danish people. His work contains very valuable information about the livelihoods of the inhabitants of northern Norway. He tells about their cod fishing both on the coast and far out at sea between Iceland and Norway. When storms come, they would not find their way back, unless luckily there were compasses; this valuable aid for sailors was therefore already in common practice among the people on the coast of Norway. The preparation of kapakala is described. Herring fishing was not as important on this coast then as it is now; At that time and throughout the Middle Ages, herring was obtained from the best part of the Baltic Sea, from the shores of Skåne. Whaling’s Olaus Magnus accurately describes the walrus and its catch as well. Salt soup was so common on the west coast of Norway that salt was also sold abroad.

The most valuable part of Olaus Magnus’s geography work is of course the story about Sweden, because he can naturally give the most original new information to Swedish geography that is not available in previous authors. His maps and books contain many names of population centers and their explanations. He also extensively describes the Swedish people, their livelihoods and ethnographic conditions, farming, job advice, grain milling, baking, beer and malt production, horse and cattle breeding, beekeeping, hunting, fishing, especially salmon, seal hunting, mountain industry, blacksmithing, carpentry industry, especially boat and ship building and trade, large domestic markets and trade goods that were sold in the market. Olaus Magnus explains about the different model buildings, which were used in Sweden, for example from the sauna, which at that time was so common in Sweden that, according to his words, nowhere in the world, not even in Italy, was it sown as densely as in the North. These saunas were ordinary steam saunas, as can be seen from the picture attached to the text. All over Pohjola, a shingle was used for lighting, which was held in the mouth or in the cap during chores. Household utensils were copper or ore, clay utensils were not used much, because they easily broke in the cold. Glass was rare as a tableware, because it happened to be damaged when drinking vessels were thrown on top of each other at parties. That’s why six pints were used, which could be broken into twenty in one drinking session. Olaus explains about costumes, both those in fashion at the time and older ones, as well as about weapons, which the peoples of the North were quite accustomed to using, especially from the ways of war. He also talks about wedding customs, youth education, home crafts, rune stones, magic beliefs and excellent hospitality.

Skrikfinns and Lapps.

Olaus Magnus marked the area on his map as “Scricfinnia”, which was north of Yli-Tornio and bounded in the west by Finmark, in the east by Biarmia, by which he apparently meant the southern part of the Kola peninsula. To the south of it, according to his understanding, was Lapland, i.e. present-day Swedish Lapland. I guess the old authors usually meant Lapps by Skritofinni. This division of Olaus Magnus into two must have been due to the fact that he only knew the fell regions of Northern Sweden as Lapland from the colloquialism of his home country and therefore gave those regions this name, while he wanted to keep the name of Skrikfinnie because it was in all the old authors, although unknown in common language. As their land he marked all the wilderness that lay between the others more certainly named. On his map, Scriffinnia and with it Sweden extends all the way to the coast of Murman, which must have been consistent with the general perception at the time. Olaus Magnus borrowed his description of the Scricfinns from Saxo Grammaticus, as the name variation shows, because Saxo called the Skritofinns, i.e. skiing Finns, the Skrikofinns, because in the Icelandic language, through which Saxo learned about them, the word for skiing was »skrika».

In the words of Olaus Magnus Saxon, he describes how these Skrikfinmt, attaching stilts to their feet, climbed even to the highest fells, how they were great witches, skilled in shooting bows and hunting and fighting. In the »Carta marina» it is drawn on the border of Finmarkinja Skrikfinnia, how Tengillus, king of the Skrikfinni, leading a skier and reindeer-riding army, fights against Argrimus, king of the Helsinkians, whose troops are fleeing towards the east. Olaus Magnus also received this legendary incident from Saxo Grammaticus, whose designations are slightly different. Olaus Magnus describes the Skrikfinni skiing according to how he had seen or heard the Lappans skiing. Undoubtedly, however, he knew that the Skrikfinns and Lapps were the same people.

Olaus Magnus’s information about the Lapps suggests that the Lapps did not live as far south in Sweden in the early sixteenth century as they do today. He tells about the way of life of the Lapps according to Ziegler, who in his work »Schondia» had received detailed information about them from Johannes Magnus and another Swede. He supplemented this information with his own observations. The Pirkka people (the word derives from the root birk, which meant trade), who had received from the Swedish crown the exclusive right to tax and trade the Lapps, live in Olaus Magnus’ play far away in Lulejan Lapland, whereas they are nowhere to be found in Finland. But on the Norwegian side, in the regions of the Ofoten fjord, you can see their tents, which Olaus Magnus has drawn in a different shape than the Lappans’ homes. He says they used to keep reindeer just like the Lapps, whose chiefs they were, and who paid them tribute, expensive furs, and fish. But not only did the Pirkkas tax the Lapps in the name of the king of Sweden, they also had to pay taxes to the king of Norway and the prince of the Muscovites. Olaus Magnus does not divide the Lapps into fisherman, forest and fell Lapps, but he seems to have known that similar qualities of life prevailed among the Lapps. He commends them for being very calm, unless they have been gravely wronged. When talking about reindeer husbandry, Olaus Magnus is aware that reindeer were harnessed in front of the carts, and that they were ridden. Both notions were wrong; the former must have been due to the fact that the Lappanian name for the ahkio »kerres» resembled the Swedish word »kärra». The description of Palka is accidental. The weapons of the Lapps were a spear and a stemless bow and arrows. The women also learned how to shoot and they went along on hunting trips, because there was so much game that there weren’t enough men. To develop shooting skills, the youth of Lappa held competitions. When furs and other trade goods were taken to Norway by reindeer, the reindeer drivers were called “Kvens”: this designation probably meant the people of Pirkka, who probably hired people from Kainu, i.e. Finns, for that task. Ziegler said that the Lappans traded in such a way that they took their goods to the destination and left them there, and then in a suitable space went to pick up the price, which the buyer set quite arbitrarily: Olaus Magnus tells this trade in the same words, but places it as a picture presentation on the shores of »White Lake«. The women also learned how to shoot and they went along on hunting trips, because there was so much game that there weren’t enough men. To develop shooting skills, the youth of Lappa held competitions. When furs and other trade goods were taken to Norway by reindeer, the reindeer drivers were called “Kvens”: this designation probably meant the people of Pirkka, who probably hired people from Kainu, i.e. Finns, for that task. Ziegler said that the Lappans traded in such a way that they took their goods to the destination and left them there, and then in a suitable space went to pick up the price, which the buyer set quite arbitrarily: Olaus Magnus tells this trade in the same words, but places it as a picture presentation on the shores of »White Lake«. The women also learned how to shoot and they went along on hunting trips, because there was so much game that there weren’t enough men. To develop shooting skills, the youth of Lappa held competitions. When furs and other trade goods were taken to Norway by reindeer, the reindeer drivers were called “Kvens”: this designation probably meant the people of Pirkka, who probably hired people from Kainu, i.e. Finns, for that task. Ziegler said that the Lappans traded in such a way that they took their goods to the destination and left them there, and then in a suitable space went to pick up the price, which the buyer set quite arbitrarily: Olaus Magnus tells this trade in the same words, but places it as a picture presentation on the shores of »White Lake«. because there was so much game that there weren’t enough men. To develop shooting skills, the youth of Lappa held competitions. When furs and other trade goods were taken to Norway by reindeer, the reindeer drivers were called “Kvens”: this designation probably meant the people of Pirkka, who probably hired people from Kainu, i.e. Finns, for that task. Ziegler said that the Lappans traded in such a way that they took their goods to the destination and left them there, and then in a suitable space went to pick up the price, which the buyer set quite arbitrarily: Olaus Magnus tells this trade in the same words, but places it as a picture presentation on the shores of »White Lake«. because there was so much game that there weren’t enough men. To develop shooting skills, the youth of Lappa held competitions. When furs and other trade goods were taken to Norway by reindeer, the reindeer drivers were called “Kvens”: this designation probably meant the people of Pirkka, who probably hired people from Kainu, i.e. Finns, for that task. Ziegler said that the Lappans traded in such a way that they took their goods to the destination and left them there, and then in a suitable space went to pick up the price, which the buyer set quite arbitrarily: Olaus Magnus tells this trade in the same words, but places it as a picture presentation on the shores of »White Lake«. When furs and other trade goods were taken to Norway by reindeer, the reindeer drivers were called “Kvens”: this designation probably meant the people of Pirkka, who probably hired people from Kainu, i.e. Finns, for that task. Ziegler said that the Lappans traded in such a way that they took their goods to the destination and left them there, and then in a suitable space went to pick up the price, which the buyer set quite arbitrarily: Olaus Magnus tells this trade in the same words, but places it as a picture presentation on the shores of »White Lake«. When furs and other trade goods were taken to Norway by reindeer, the reindeer drivers were called “Kvens”: this designation probably meant the people of Pirkka, who probably hired people from Kainu, i.e. Finns, for that task. Ziegler said that the Lappans traded in such a way that they took their goods to the destination and left them there, and then in a suitable space went to pick up the price, which the buyer set quite arbitrarily: Olaus Magnus tells this trade in the same words, but places it as a picture presentation on the shores of »White Lake«.

After telling about the dress, dwellings and marriage customs of the Lapps, Olaus Magnus explains about their idolatry. They served both the sun and the moon; in honor of the sun, the bones of forest animals and whales on the sea coast were sacrificed, not in the summer, however, because it would have lost the sun’s light and heat, but only when winter came and the days got shorter. A red cloth raised at the end of the sepia was also served, which was thought to have magical power, because red was the color of blood. The Lapps still served everything that they happened to see first thing in the morning when they left their hut. They were skilled witches, just like the Finns, they could cast spells to blow whatever wind they wanted, even a storm, and they could talk to people far away. »If anyone wanted to know the absent destiny, so he turned to either the Finn or the Lapland and gave him a gift. The Lappalainen then went with one of his companions and his wife to a lonely room, there he laid a brass frog or a snake on the anvil and struck it so and so many times, recited incantations and then fell into a hole and soon lay as if dead. All the while both others kept a close eye on him. After regaining his composure, he told about what was missing and showed a ring, knife or other object that he had received from him.» Already in Snorre Sturlasson’s »king’s book» there is talk of the Lappans’ ability to shape-shift. Olaus Magnus says that they made finger-sized magic arrows from lead and shot them no matter how far away at the person they wanted to take revenge on. They hurt the hand or the leg, and the one who had the same thing, died before three days later. Until recently, Lapland people have had this kind of magic in practice. According to Ziegler, Olaus Magnus tells about the Lappans’ wind spells, although he mistakenly attributes the skill to the Finns. They tied three knots in the strap. When they let go of one, a moderate wind arose, when they let go of the second, the wind grew strong, but when they let go of the third, it became a gale.

Finland and Finns.

Through their reindeer husbandry and their quality of life, different from all other European nations, the Lapps had attracted the attention of researchers and were mentioned almost as soon as the Scandinavian countries began to be written about (I, p. 207.) Much later this honor came to Finland and its inhabitants. There isn’t even a definite name given to this country, even though Christianity had come into force here and things were organized. Ziegler in his work »Schondia» (1532) somehow wrote a lot about our country according to the information he had received from Johannes Magnus. But it wasn’t until Olaus Magnus published an account of our country in his book, through which its nature and its inhabitants became generally known to the civilized world.

Following Ziegler’s example, he also drew the direction of the Gulf of Finland as northeast and the length much larger than the real one; the reason for drawing the direction incorrectly must have been the eastward deviation of the compass, as we have already mentioned above. It is natural that many places have fallen into completely wrong latitudes through it, such as, for example, Vyborg. Ziegler’s map had the name »Sinus Finnonicus» in Pohjanlahti; Olaus Magnus transferred this name to the southern border sea of ​​our peninsula, which has been allowed to keep it until today. In »Carta marina», the border between Finland and Russia is marked with a double row of trees, and on the west side of the border the visible keepers are Ecclesia Nova (Uusikirkko), Kinaveb (Kivennapa), Iasche (Jääski), Egrepe (Äyräpää) and Savolax (Mikkeli region).

The border runs from the Neva almost straight north to the southeast corner of the “White Lake”, which is the border between Finland and Biarmia. From the northwestern end of Lacus albus, the border runs straight north all the way to the Arctic Ocean. “By the white lake” Olaus Magnus certainly means Kannanlahti, where he says that both Finns, Laplanders and Swedes went on hunting expeditions, because both fishing and hunting there were extremely productive; but the Muscovites frequented it the most, who hunted and fished at every turn, and at the same time were the shrewdest merchants. “Carta marina” shows how these “Muscovites”, who must have actually been Karelians across the border, they pull a boat from the White Sea along the rivers and lakes to the watershed and then, crossing the sky, set off to descend the rivers and lakes of the opposite side into the Gulf of Bothnia. According to Olaus Magnus’ understanding, the Swedish border therefore extended to Kannanlahti; this perception must have stemmed from the fact that hunting expeditions were made there from the Finnish side.

From the White Lake, Olaus Magnus draws a long wooded ridge going south and southwest, and the name of the ridge on his map is »Landsrygia», i.e. Maanselkä. Starting from the white lake, it goes to Karlabih (Kokkola) and corresponds to the present-day Maanselkä in the beginning, Kainunselkä in the continuation. This and other similar land maps show that Olaus Magnus had a correct understanding of the true nature of the watersheds of Inner Finland, even though he could not precisely determine their locations, since the water bodies were so little known. He places the keepers Sala (Salo), Ula (Oulu), Ighia (li) and Chim (Kemi) on the northern side of the spine and calls this part Eastern Lapland ( Lappia orientalis), and therefore does not read it into East Ostrobothnia; this only starts south of Maanselä on his map. Olaus Magnus reports that the area between the Gulf of Pohjan, the Gulf of Finland and White Lake is 300 saks. penis angle long (2220 km.) and 60 sax. a cubit (444 km) wide; so the length is exaggerated many times over, the width calculated to be a whole lot too small. However, these “History” figures do not correspond to the dimensions of the map; the length of the map is only 2/3 of the amount mentioned above, the width 3/2, so the map, although older, more closely approximates the actual proportions.

It’s no wonder that Olaus Magnus’ understanding of Finland’s waterways is so incomplete; no one knew them yet, when the deserts were largely uninhabited, and still less had anyone tried to draw up a map or a story about them. So he had to make do with the word-of-mouth information he could gather while in Sweden and then in a foreign country. However, even as it is, his map experiment shows good will and it really brings out some main features, e.g. the nature of the watersheds, the nature of the lake highlands of Inner Finland and the radiation of the rivers to all the marginal seas from this lake highland. Instead of entire bodies of water, he draws only a few large lakes. Three rivers flow from Maanselka to Pohjanlahti, but their direction and nature are so superficial that they cannot be compared to real rivers; the largest would of course be the Kemijoki, but the settlement center of the same name is not in its right place at its mouth, both the other Simojoki and the Iijoki, whose mouth has a tributary named »Ighia». The river, at the landing point of which »Ula» is drawn, is relatively small, and there is no sign of a large lake at its top. It is possible that Oulujärvi has fallen into Siikajoki. The large waterways on the east side of the Isthmus are represented only by a triangular open ridge, from which there is no water flow in any direction, even though Olaus Magnus otherwise draws too many channels. Taking into account that this lake, on the shore of which the expedition crossing in its boat has been drawn, has no landing channel, it seems as if many of the Olaus Magnus’s river forks were intended as river travel routes, which either did not need the sky, because the waterway was continuous, or in which only the goods were carried, but the boats were left on the riverbeds. On the »Carta marina», for example, the Porvoo river leaves directly from Vesijärvi; explained in this way, it should be understood that the whole side of Päijänne went along the Porvoo river to Porvoo, but that no boats were launched, but some boats were kept on the Porvoo river, and others on Vesijärvi.

On the south side of Taivallusjärvi, a watershed again runs from east to west, which seems to correspond to Suomenselkä. On the south side of it there are two lakes, from which the water flows only to the Gulf of Ostrobothnia, and one, »Lacus niger», i.e. Lake Mustajärvi, from which the water only flows into the Gulf of Finland, and four, from which there are waterways to both the Gulf of Ostrobothnia and the Gulf of Finland. But from Lacus niger, which seems to correspond to the entire water body of Saimaa, there is a waterway to the White Lake, a large river with two branches like the Kemijoki in Viena Karelia. On the shore of Lake Mustanjärvi is the castle »Nova arx» or Olofsburg (Olavinlinna). But Olaus Magnus of the Saimaa water seems to have thought that it flows into Suomenlahti near the city of Vyborg, and not into Laatokka, which he seems to have had no idea about. Somehow, in its right place, Kymijoki flows into the Gulf of Finland, with as many rivers at its mouth, as with ten mouths; through a misunderstanding, Olaus Magnus has marked the three mouth branches of Kymijoki as different rivers. Two start from the lake, whose name on the map is Holela lacus, although the back refers to Päijänne. On the map, Päijänne is divided into two lakes, between which there is a wide isthmus, and no water connection; the southern lake, on the shore of which the Hollola church is marked, is called »Lacus Piente» (Päijänne, Peyenthe in Ziegler’s work). From this last-mentioned lake, there are many waterways to both the Gulf of Pohjan and the Gulf of Suomen. Two large water birds have been depicted in Lake Holela and »Sur pesi» is written below them; some have thought that these words mean “big water”, but it is more true that they are “big nests”, although it is not easy to guess, through which intermediaries Olaus Magnus has received these Finnish words under the nesting birds he describes. However, there are several other Finnish words used in the same way on the map, such as »Palio Kylä», which are written as names for the banks of Kyröjoki, although the person giving the information apparently only meant many room pictures. which have been drawn on the river bank. It seems as if the Swedish map maker had Finnish advice, and that they very unsatisfactorily understood each other’s speech, so the map maker has written the general remarks of his Finnish informant as names. A similar note is the words »piet mado» under the images of snakes in the interior of the country; they are also written as names, because if the map maker had understood the note, I think he would have translated it into Latin.

Finland’s fauna is praised in »Historia« as very rich; Maanselka especially had an abundance of all the animals from which the most valuable furs were obtained, marten, squirrel, fly and sable, which were diligently hunted. Otherwise, there were a lot of birds on Maanselka and the White Sea, which Olaus Magnus thought came there from the nearby lakes and deserts of Scythia to nest, and left again in the fall to leave. The otter was quite common in Finland and in the coastal regions of the Gulf of Bothnia. In the eastern parts of Finland, in Häme and Karelia, there were very many beavers, whose strange nest building is described by Olaus Magnus; he says that when the Finns sowed their fields, then in particular you were not allowed to disturb the beavers or their homes.

Olaus Magnus’s knowledge of the places in Finland was very poor, as you might expect, when he had to create his entire map image from scratch. Compared to each other, the locations of Finnish provinces and residential centers are often completely wrongly reported, so that it is impossible to guess what the names he mentioned mean. Ziegler’s map does not seem to have been of much help to him with the topography of Finland, and even if he had borrowed from it, he would have actually only borrowed the information that Ziegler had received from Johannes Magnus and I guess from him as well.

According to his understanding, Finlandia or Finingia, which Olaus Magnus says was once a kingdom, is the same as Pliny’s »Eningia». He says it starts in the north in Eastern Ostrobothnia, with »Satacundia» to the south, »Tavastia» to the east of Satakunta. In the southwestern corner of Finland is Varsinais-Suomi, which Olaus Magnus divided into two parts, Norfinnia and Sudfinnia, according to the fiefdom division that took place at the beginning of the 15th century. Most of the coast of the Gulf of Finland is covered by »Nilandia» (Uusimaa), of which Olaus calls a part »Nilandia austrais», even though it is by no means the southernmost part of the province on his map. The entire rest of Finland is “Karelia”.

We will not discuss the actual place names; the reader will get a sufficient understanding of them from the attached map. Several of the names seem so loose that hardly any research can shed light on their origin; such names are, for example, »Vista», »Pottra», »Trofel» and »Lergas» far away in central Finland. Some Supino Finns are spelled correctly, such as “Hollola”, others are so twisted that you hardly recognize them, to mention only Kuusisto, the bishop’s old castle, whose name on the map is Cusm [perhaps an abbreviation for Kuusmaa], even if you thought the churchman at least knew that name write correctly.

Olaus Magnus considered Finland a rich country, especially some regions on the shores of the Gulf of Pohjan, where he wrote »hic maxima multitudo gentium» or »palio village» on his map, without knowing the meaning of these words. The Finns are described as a good-natured and modest, if somewhat slow people: but when they once get angry, he says, the slowness is replaced by the force of their vengeance. The customs had cooled after the country converted to Christianity; great respect was shown to the church and priests. Finns usually lived in villages and made a living from farming, fishing, logging and hunting. All the rivers and waterways in Finland were full of fish, and fish was also exported abroad, especially to Germany. In White Lake, eels were fished; in the summer Russian, Lappish and Finnish anglers gathered there, most of all Finns, and the catches were excellent. There at that time you could see the costumes and boats of all these nations. The Finns were very skilled at building ships and boats, especially the Hämälä people and those who lived west of them. Likewise, they were usually master carpenters and craftsmen, as well as skilled in making war machines and bombards. They were strong drinkers and brewed good beer. In war, they protected themselves with some kind of armor made of seal skin softened in lime, or deer skin. whose fur side was turned outwards. In winter, water was poured over these armors, so that a hard crust of ice froze over them. Helmets made of moose, deer and ox thigh skins were also used, folded together, so that they were like covered with great fish-scales. Others had headdresses gathered from the feathers of certain birds and carefully knitted with iron threads. Tanned, dried hides boiled in lime were hung on wood. and the skins were thus printed to conform to the head. The helmets were lined from the inside with fine wool and they were brushed with fish glue to better withstand moisture.

Finns were forbidden, says Olaus Magnus, from using weapons at home, such as spears, arrows and other throwing weapons, swords and long knives. But they were allowed to keep the same weapons that they needed for their work, such as the ax, which they used with great skill when salvaging buildings. When fending off bandit raids by people from across the border, the Finns always initially defended themselves with throwing spears, which were made of spruce dried in the sun, equipped with sharp wooden points. Others had nets which they lashed over the heads of their enemies, then pulling both horses and riders down. In hand-to-hand combat, the Finns used stones as weapons, which they carried in their belts, or they tied fist-sized stones to the end of a stick with a four-hand-long rope and threw them at the horsemen’s heads or at the horses’ feet. Their angry dogs, which the horses of the Muscovites were very afraid of, were also a good help; they ran away from the dogs just as the horses of the Persians ran away from the camels. The dogs had been taught to frighten and harass the horses of the enemies; they barked and bit them in the muzzle, so that the horses got up on two legs and felled the horsemen, who were then killed.

Olaus Magnus tells with special interest about the trade that took place across the border to Finland along the waterways. The “Muscovites” carried or dragged their boats across the isthmuses and watersheds between the lakes, and in this way, after crossing the Finnish mainland, penetrated all the way to Tornio, where Olaus Magnus himself had seen them with their boats in the summer of 1519. The Karelian people of Viena still use the same waterways today, especially in search of flour from the Finnish side. Often these “Muscovites” did mischief in the country and spied. Sometimes they stopped on the road, somewhere, to repair their boats, even though they were actually spying on the lands of the Swedish Empire. Although the Swedish lords were on their guard, the border skirmishes with their robberies and vandalism were renewed all over the country. When the people from across the border — Olaus uses the word Muscovites — wanted to attack the Karelians of Finland, they formed real bands of robbers who had mutual agreements and regulations. At first, they built long, light boats in the wilderness from flat, thin spruce boards in such a way that some made seats for 20-25 men, others cooked pitch or tar from spruce pitch in pits, some made and equipped bows, strings and arrows, some sharpened arrowheads. When the ships were ready, a whole fleet was pushed into the water, and then houses and castles and the White Lake ( At first, they built long, light boats in the wilderness from flat, thin spruce boards in such a way that some made seats for 20-25 men, others cooked pitch or tar from spruce pitch in pits, some made and equipped bows, strings and arrows, some sharpened arrowheads. When the ships were ready, a whole fleet was pushed into the water, and then houses and castles and the White Lake ( At first, they built long, light boats in the wilderness from flat, thin spruce boards in such a way that some made seats for 20-25 men, others cooked pitch or tar from spruce pitch in pits, some made and equipped bows, strings and arrows, some sharpened arrowheads. When the ships were ready, a whole fleet was pushed into the water, and then houses and castles and the White Lake (Lacus albus), that near the Gulf of Finland and the Livonian Sea, cargo ships at anchor were even attacked and robbed and the crews thrown into the sea. It even happened that the Muscovites attacked the larger ships when they were sunk. But as soon as they no longer thought themselves safe from vengeance, they shouldered their boats, and carried them into the woods to a hiding-place, to use them again in the next suitable opportunity. They then lived in the woods for a while, safe from their prey. But when their mischief became too unbearable, they were met with the revenge of the robbed inhabitants. The hunters diligently looked for their hiding places, and when they found them, they informed the Finns: they set out to exterminate them in large numbers. Terrible cruelty was practiced then, for the robbers, remembering their mischief, were fighting for their lives. In the end, however, their strength was broken, they fled into mountain ravines and earth caves, or hid in the tops of trees. Those who were caught were mercilessly burned with their boats and equipment; ravines and caves were blocked up with large stones and piles, so that those who fled into them starved to death. Those who were hiding in the trees didn’t get away either. The dogs, barking, indicated their whereabouts, after which they were shot with arrows, so that they fell to the ground and were killed. Good Guide Dogs were indeed the best way to catch these forest bandits. ravines and caves were blocked up with large stones and piles, so that those who fled into them starved to death. Those who were hiding in the trees didn’t get away either. The dogs, barking, indicated their whereabouts, after which they were shot with arrows, so that they fell to the ground and were killed. Good Guide Dogs were indeed the best way to catch these forest bandits. ravines and caves were blocked up with large stones and piles, so that those who fled into them starved to death. Those who were hiding in the trees didn’t get away either. The dogs, barking, indicated their whereabouts, after which they were shot with arrows, so that they fell to the ground and were killed. Good Guide Dogs were indeed the best way to catch these forest bandits.

Eastern countries.

»Biarmia», that is, the land of the Biarmies, was placed by Olaus Magnus at the edge of the Scythian sea, i.e. on the northern shore of Kola. However, he separated the two Biarmia, according to Saxo Grammaticus. First of all, Saxo Grammaticus’ descriptions of both Biarmia do not match the regions of Viena, because according to Saxo’s description they were both mountainous countries. Others therefore conclude that by this designation he meant both shores of the Kola peninsula, and Olaus Magnus’s map refers to this. He has described Biarmia as rich in fish, birds and valuable fur animals.

Only a small part of Russia is described in Olaus Magnus’s map, namely the part that is mostly on the east and south side of the Gulf of Finland. His knowledge of the regions east of the Karelian Isthmus is unexpectedly lacking; Laatokka, known from Käkisalmi, is one of the smallest lakes drawn on his map. Only Herberstein described Laatoka as bigger in his map of Russia. The Neva runs from Laatoka to the Gulf of Finland, and a large river flows into the Neva from the south, which is the Velhojoki river. because Novgorod is on its shore. Separated from Velhojoki is Lake Irmen (Ilmen), and Narev flows into it from Lake Peipse, on the shore of which the city of Narva is located. Peipsen is drawn the size of Venern. The Baltic hinterland, which was the border of the Baltic provinces against Russia, is marked on the map as a long forested hinterland. Olaus Magnus also photographed the countries west and south of the Baltic Sea, so his maps are not just the actual Nordic countries themselves. also presents their relations with neighboring countries, all the way to England and Scotland. He knew the northern coast of Germany well, both from what he saw himself and from the relatively abundant geographical literature, so it is more correctly depicted on his map; but he could no longer enrich the circle of knowledge of his time about these regions, as by presenting the long-neglected Nordic countries. so it is more correctly described than his map; but he could no longer enrich the circle of knowledge of his time about these regions, as by presenting the long-neglected Nordic countries. so it is more correctly described than his map; but he could no longer enrich the circle of knowledge of his time about these regions, as by presenting the long-neglected Nordic countries.

At the same time that Olaus Magnus published his work, the English began their expedition to the Viena Sea and further up to Novaya Semljaha, and through them and the Dutch who followed in their footsteps, the geographical conditions of these regions were finally clarified. But even though the knowledge accumulated through these trips had the effect that the map image of the northern shores of Europe was corrected and stabilized, Olaus Magnus’s map and geography work remained the most important sources for knowing the Nordic countries throughout the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Sebastian Münster drew on them when writing his »Cosmographia« and many others after him. In Ortelius’s large map book, the North Sea is mostly depicted according to Olaus Magnus, although he also made use of the discoveries of the English and Dutch. Even in Gerhard Mercator’s map, the part concerning the Nordic countries is mainly drawn up according to Olaus Magnus; in some places, Mercator has not been able to distinguish newer information as corrections, but has drawn Olaus Magnus’s Lacus Albus on the map along with the White Sea discovered by the English. It was only through the career-opening works of Andreas Buraeus (1571—1646) that the map of Scandinavia and Finland was fundamentally renewed and gained a solid astronomical and surveying basis, while Olaus Magnus’s works remained only historical monuments.

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